Latest news with #Unionists
Yahoo
6 days ago
- Politics
- Yahoo
Unionist Irish language fears can be addressed - former Welsh first minister
Unionists in Northern Ireland have "legitimate concerns" over the Irish language but they "can be addressed", the former first minister of Wales has said. Mark Drakeford, the Welsh government's language secretary, said political agreement on Irish would be "healing rather than divisive". It comes amid continuing disputes at Stormont over the Irish language, including rows about bilingual signage and its cost. Drakeford, a Welsh speaker who encourages bilingualism in Wales, said unionists have nothing to fear if Irish "is done in a way that is sensitive to their concerns". Speaking to BBC News NI's Sunday Politics programme, he said language should not be used "as a political football". "I think, done the right way, concerns can be addressed," he said. "That's not to say that concerns aren't legitimate." The development of policies in Northern Ireland to promote the Irish language has long been a point of dispute between unionists and Irish nationalists. In Wales, the Welsh language is more widely accepted and is commonly displayed alongside English in public spaces, such as on road markings and street signs. Drakeford, former leader of the Welsh Labour Party, said he was "perfectly comfortable" with having a Welsh and British identity. Asked about unionist concerns over Irish, he said that being "undoubtedly Welsh doesn't diminish your sense of being part of the United Kingdom". But Drakeford said unionists have "legitimate concerns" and are "entirely entitled to make sure that's part of the public debate". Northern Ireland's devolved government is currently recruiting an Irish language commissioner and a commissioner for the Ulster-Scots and Ulster British tradition. The roles were key parts of language legislation introduced in 2022 by Westminster, which stepped in following a political stalemate at Stormont over the laws. Interviews for the posts are due to take place this month, Deputy First Minister Emma Little-Pengelly told the Northern Ireland Assembly on Monday. She added that she and First Minister Michelle O'Neill were committed to making the appointments "as soon as possible". Wales has had a Welsh language commissioner since 2012. Their powers include investigating complaints against public bodies. Efa Gruffudd Jones, who has held the role for more than two years, said that "languages don't need to divide us". "Languages are special things, and people can express themselves differently in different languages," she said. "So I would hope that people can respect other people's languages and ensure that they can enjoy using it." Irish signage has been a key point of contention at Stormont, with parties clashing over proposals to spend £150,000 on bilingual displays at Belfast's Grand Central Station. The plan by the infrastructure minister is being challenged in the courts. At local council level, there have also been disputes over the introduction of dual-language street signs in some neighbourhoods. They have been vandalised more than 300 times in five years. Northern Ireland's 11 local authorities have varying policies on installing dual-language street signs. In Belfast, proposals for a street are considered by a council committee if 15% or more of all occupants surveyed express support. More than 200 have been approved since the policy was introduced a few years ago. Of those approved, the average survey received about 34% of replies in favour, 4% against, 1% no preference, and 61% no response. The figures were obtained by BBC News NI through a Freedom of Information (FoI) request. Belfast councillor Ron McDowell, deputy leader of Traditional Unionist Voice (TUV), said many unionists felt Irish was being "thrust upon them". "People are vehemently opposed to the Irish dual-language street signs because they see it as a weapon - it's a cultural warfare," he said. "It's being used by nationalist politics for identity politics - to mark territory." Ian Malcolm, from Lurgan in County Armagh, is a Protestant, a unionist and an Irish language teacher. He said that Irish "does not in any way diminish a person's Britishness", but should also not be "forced down anyone's throat". Describing it as a "beautiful, wonderful language", he added: "It tells us so much about who we are, about our history. "I think that everyone can embrace that, without surrendering one inch of your unionism." Irish street sign vandalism cost councils £60,000 NI language law could spell significant change
BBC News
6 days ago
- Politics
- BBC News
Unionist Irish language fears 'can be addressed'
Unionists in Northern Ireland have "legitimate concerns" over the Irish language but they "can be addressed", the former first minister of Wales has Drakeford, the Welsh government's language secretary, said political agreement on Irish would be "healing rather than divisive".It comes amid continuing disputes at Stormont over the Irish language, including rows about bilingual signage and its a Welsh speaker who encourages bilingualism in Wales, said unionists have nothing to fear if Irish "is done in a way that is sensitive to their concerns". Speaking to BBC News NI's Sunday Politics programme, he said language should not be used "as a political football"."I think, done the right way, concerns can be addressed," he said."That's not to say that concerns aren't legitimate."The development of policies in Northern Ireland to promote the Irish language has long been a point of dispute between unionists and Irish Wales, the Welsh language is more widely accepted and is commonly displayed alongside English in public spaces, such as on road markings and street signs. Drakeford, former leader of the Welsh Labour Party, said he was "perfectly comfortable" with having a Welsh and British about unionist concerns over Irish, he said that being "undoubtedly Welsh doesn't diminish your sense of being part of the United Kingdom".But Drakeford said unionists have "legitimate concerns" and are "entirely entitled to make sure that's part of the public debate". 'Languages are special' Northern Ireland's devolved government is currently recruiting an Irish language commissioner and a commissioner for the Ulster-Scots and Ulster British roles were key parts of language legislation introduced in 2022 by Westminster, which stepped in following a political stalemate at Stormont over the for the posts are due to take place this month, Deputy First Minister Emma Little-Pengelly told the Northern Ireland Assembly on added that she and First Minister Michelle O'Neill were committed to making the appointments "as soon as possible".Wales has had a Welsh language commissioner since 2012. Their powers include investigating complaints against public bodies. Efa Gruffudd Jones, who has held the role for more than two years, said that "languages don't need to divide us"."Languages are special things, and people can express themselves differently in different languages," she said."So I would hope that people can respect other people's languages and ensure that they can enjoy using it." Grand Central Station signs Irish signage has been a key point of contention at Stormont, with parties clashing over proposals to spend £150,000 on bilingual displays at Belfast's Grand Central plan by the infrastructure minister is being challenged in the local council level, there have also been disputes over the introduction of dual-language street signs in some have been vandalised more than 300 times in five Ireland's 11 local authorities have varying policies on installing dual-language street Belfast, proposals for a street are considered by a council committee if 15% or more of all occupants surveyed express than 200 have been approved since the policy was introduced a few years those approved, the average survey received about 34% of replies in favour, 4% against, 1% no preference, and 61% no figures were obtained by BBC News NI through a Freedom of Information (FoI) request. Belfast councillor Ron McDowell, deputy leader of Traditional Unionist Voice (TUV), said many unionists felt Irish was being "thrust upon them"."People are vehemently opposed to the Irish dual-language street signs because they see it as a weapon - it's a cultural warfare," he said."It's being used by nationalist politics for identity politics - to mark territory."Ian Malcolm, from Lurgan in County Armagh, is a Protestant, a unionist and an Irish language said that Irish "does not in any way diminish a person's Britishness", but should also not be "forced down anyone's throat". Describing it as a "beautiful, wonderful language", he added: "It tells us so much about who we are, about our history."I think that everyone can embrace that, without surrendering one inch of your unionism."
The National
13-06-2025
- Politics
- The National
Activists question John Swinney's independence strategy after by-election loss
This activist works for the party and regularly attends national events. Speaking on the condition of anonymity, they said they can't help but worry that the SNP is 'heading back into the same old internal splits' seen at the height of Nicola Sturgeon's leadership. 'Which is exactly what the Unionists want,' they added. Leader John Swinney is currently facing a wave of discontent from members following the party's underwhelming performance in last week's Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse by-election. READ MORE: 'Foolish': Former SNP MP hits out at John Swinney's by-election campaign When this paper spoke to activists following the result on Friday, it became clear that deeper fissures of frustration and worry had come to the surface. Members said concerns about party strategy had been dismissed by leadership, which echoes frustrations felt under Sturgeon. For others, it's a repeat of other past elections the SNP would rather forget. 'It's starting to feel like a repeat of [Swinney's] first time in charge,' the activist remarked. "We are the establishment and Swinney's been part of that shift, giving he's been at the front line for about two decades. "If John's serious about independence, then it has to be front and centre in everything we do. Right now, it's not.' One 2026 candidate summarised the thoughts of the majority: a quiet worry whether confidence in leadership will return in time for the elections. 'John has done a really good job of stabilising the party but it's clear that people have lost trust in all politicians," they said. 'We need to do more so that people know we are on their side, we're working hard to come up with ways to improve their day-to-day lives and that the SNP will fight for them. That message isn't getting through at the moment and we need to reflect on why that is.' Swinney previously led the party, with a sore end. In 2000, Alex Salmond stepped down as leader of the SNP, triggering a new leadership contest. Swinney, who launched his bid to become the leader of the SNP, advocated for a gradualist approach to independence and won, becoming leader of the opposition in Holyrood. After disappointing elections in 2001, 2003, and 2004, which saw the party's vote share and number of seats drop, Swinney resigned as SNP leader. This was despite other pro-independence parties like the Scottish Greens and Scottish Socialist Party making gains in Holyrood. His strategy then is similar to what is fuelling frustration within and outwith the party today. But it's nothing new and he has stood by his tactics when questioned, most thoroughly by Lesley Riddoch last year. 'I get that Swinney's steadied things after a rough patch, but it feels like we've gone quiet on the one thing that actually defines us,' the activist said. 'And in this by-election, we made the mistake of giving Reform a platform by turning them into a talking point.' Dr Michael Higgins, a political communications expert at the University of Strathclyde, said the SNP had 'demeaned themselves' by focusing on Reform UK in the by-election campaign. But Swinney doubled down on Sunday, saying he was 'standing up to Farage'. 'I'm going to make no apology for it,' he added. READ MORE: Has Swinney 'healed' the SNP or will they end up back on life support? And when asked if he was still the man to lead the party, Swinney said "Yes. Twelve months ago, the party turned to me. 'I was not seeking high office, I'd held high office for a long time in my life, and the party turned to me, at a moment of real jeopardy, and asked me to use all of my skills and experience, and the loyalty I command in the party, to bring people together and focus us on the future.' Last week, activists told The National they had voiced concerns over Swinney's strategy and had been 'shut down' for questioning the party's tactics. An affiliate convenor reflected that they felt the on-the-ground campaign "was good" but they had found more Labour support on the doors than expected, adding: "It didn't feel like it was taken seriously." Looking towards the SNP's record in government, activists are also angry. Pledge after pledge has been dropped in the last few years. Its flagship target of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 75% by 2030 was scaled back, a conversion therapy ban was delayed, the human rights bill was kicked into the long grass, the national care service plan was dropped, and most recently, a new national park in Galloway was scrapped. One activist, who has been integral in building campaign networks and previously served as an SNP councillor, told The National: 'Personally, I believe there is an issue where the SNP is run from an inner circle that is guided by their own deluded thoughts rather than reality. 'The party I ran for election with was informed by effective engagement with its supporters and membership – not so called 'political insight' from 20-30 somethings who have been at the helm of a party that has not had to work that hard for a monopoly we've been able to sustain against very little organised opposition. 'We now have effective opposition through two forces: a Scottish Labour Party renewed with an impressive manifesto and insight to the issues facing Scotland – and Reform UK who are riding a global populist wave of support from disgruntled people of this nation. Of which I am very much one too.' They added: 'What is our vision? What is our plan? What are we delivering on right now that is actually aspirational given? Where is the proof that the SNP is working hard for our nation? Because I can't see it.' But where can the party go from here? ONCE again, the party is left asking the same question it has asked itself since Sturgeon quit: "What do we do now?" The former councillor suggests a 'dose of reality', adding: 'No matter how much we repeat that statement on the doorsteps, that 'we don't take any votes for granted,' we are very much taking the entire nation for granted for the very little effort we put in to being strategic on how we are leading this nation." READ MORE: How did Labour win the Hamilton by-election with an 'invisible man' candidate? Others have called for the party to simply be 'more inspirational,' with one staffer adding: 'The churn at the top over last few years has meant promises have often been dropped just as quickly as they've been made.' Another member said they had been 'stunned' by the result on Friday morning, sharing: 'We obviously lost votes to Reform. The Greens and our vote don't seem to be turning out. 'I think John Swinney is a good man but probably not the best person the get the voters excited enough to vote SNP. It scares me for 2026. Stephen Flynn may be better. There doesn't seem to be a direction for independence.' Former SNP policy convener Toni Giugliano said: 'It's becoming clear that SNP voters, activists and members want to see the party recommit to its founding mission of independence - not with words - but action. "How the party responds in the coming days and weeks will show whether it is willing to listen and engage with the party's grassroots. The door is open. "This is an opportunity to get back on track to doing what the SNP was elected to do - deliver a prosperous, independent Scotland in Europe. That's what independence voters expect it to do.' However, not everyone agrees that Swinney or the party is in trouble, including Swinney himself. Coming second in the vote, the First Minister said on Monday, is an 'indication that we are still able to perform strongly electorally'. The First Minister added that his party lost the overlapping seat at Westminster – Hamilton and Clyde Valley – by 9000 votes last year and by just 600 on Thursday. 'So, we are quite clearly in a position where we can achieve electoral success, but we have got to build on that and make sure we're stronger for 2026,' he added. 'Any suggestions the party isn't fully behind John is being peddled by those outwith the party or by a miniscule minority,' activist Logan Unwin said. Another activist, who campaigned heavily in the by-election alongside Swinney and candidate Katy Loudon, said: "I feel somewhat confident as feel that we are at a better position than last year. "I do think that what happened in the by-election was strategic errors and hopefully [will be] fixed next year, but do fear that similar seats to Hamilton, Larkhall, and Stonehouse might be at real risk and needs work to make sure they stay SNP". Glasgow activist Doug Daniel agreed, adding: 'The party seems to be in a much better place than it was when John took over, and although it's a shame we didn't quite get over the line in Hamilton, Larkhall, and Stonehouse, it's not quite the catastrophe some commentators are making it out to be. 'I think people forget we've only won one of the five previous Holyrood by-elections that have taken place since 2007, and this one was far closer than any of those. I think it'll be a different story in 2026 when people are asking themselves who they trust to stand up for Scotland against a failing Labour UK Government.'
The National
09-06-2025
- Politics
- The National
What's going wrong inside the SNP? Activists share all
This activist works for the party and regularly attends national events. Speaking on the condition of anonymity, they said they can't help but worry that the SNP is 'heading back into the same old internal splits' seen at the height of Nicola Sturgeon's leadership. 'Which is exactly what the Unionists want,' they added. Leader John Swinney is currently facing a wave of discontent from members following the party's underwhelming performance in last week's Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse by-election. READ MORE: 'Foolish': Former SNP MP hits out at John Swinney's by-election campaign When this paper spoke to activists following the result on Friday, it became clear that deeper fissures of frustration and worry had come to the surface. Members said concerns about party strategy had been dismissed by leadership, which echoes frustrations felt under Sturgeon. For others, it's a repeat of other past elections the SNP would rather forget. 'It's starting to feel like a repeat of [Swinney's] first time in charge,' the Aberdeen activist remarked. "We are the establishment and Swinney's been part of that shift, giving he's been at the front line for about two decades. "If John's serious about independence, then it has to be front and centre in everything we do. Right now, it's not.' One 2026 candidate summarised the thoughts of the majority: a quiet worry whether confidence in leadership will return in time for the elections. 'John has done a really good job of stabilising the party but it's clear that people have lost trust in all politicians," they said. 'We need to do more so that people know we are on their side, we're working hard to come up with ways to improve their day-to-day lives and that the SNP will fight for them. That message isn't getting through at the moment and we need to reflect on why that is.' Swinney previously led the party, with a sore end. In 2000, Alex Salmond stepped down as leader of the SNP, triggering a new leadership contest. Swinney, who launched his bid to become the leader of the SNP, advocated for a gradualist approach to independence and won, becoming leader of the opposition in Holyrood. After disappointing elections in 2001, 2003, and 2004, which saw the party's vote share and number of seats drop, Swinney resigned as SNP leader. This was despite other pro-independence parties like the Scottish Greens and Scottish Socialist Party making gains in Holyrood. His strategy then is similar to what is fuelling frustration within and outwith the party today. But it's nothing new and he has stood by his tactics when questioned, most thoroughly by Lesley Riddoch last year. 'I get that Swinney's steadied things after a rough patch, but it feels like we've gone quiet on the one thing that actually defines us,' the activist said. 'And in this by-election, we made the mistake of giving Reform a platform by turning them into a talking point.' Dr Michael Higgins, a political communications expert at the University of Strathclyde, said the SNP had 'demeaned themselves' by focusing on Reform UK in the by-election campaign. But Swinney doubled down on Sunday, saying he was 'standing up to Farage'. 'I'm going to make no apology for it,' he added. READ MORE: Has Swinney 'healed' the SNP or will they end up back on life support? And when asked if he was still the man to lead the party, Swinney said "Yes. Twelve months ago, the party turned to me. 'I was not seeking high office, I'd held high office for a long time in my life, and the party turned to me, at a moment of real jeopardy, and asked me to use all of my skills and experience, and the loyalty I command in the party, to bring people together and focus us on the future.' Last week, activists told The National they had voiced concerns over Swinney's strategy and had been 'shut down' for questioning the party's tactics. An affiliate convenor reflected that they felt the on-the-ground campaign "was good" but they had found more Labour support on the doors than expected, adding: "It didn't feel like it was taken seriously." Looking towards the SNP's record in government, activists are also angry. Pledge after pledge has been dropped in the last few years. Its flagship target of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 75% by 2030 was scaled back, a conversion therapy ban was delayed, the human rights bill was kicked into the long grass, the national care service plan was dropped, and most recently, a new national park in Galloway was scrapped. One activist, who has been integral in building campaign networks and previously served as an SNP councillor, told The National: 'Personally, I believe there is an issue where the SNP is run from an inner circle that is guided by their own deluded thoughts rather than reality. 'The party I ran for election with was informed by effective engagement with its supporters and membership – not so called 'political insight' from 20-30 somethings who have been at the helm of a party that has not had to work that hard for a monopoly we've been able to sustain against very little organised opposition. 'We now have effective opposition through two forces: a Scottish Labour Party renewed with an impressive manifesto and insight to the issues facing Scotland – and Reform UK who are riding a global populist wave of support from disgruntled people of this nation. Of which I am very much one too.' They added: 'What is our vision? What is our plan? What are we delivering on right now that is actually aspirational given? Where is the proof that the SNP is working hard for our nation? Because I can't see it.' But where can the party go from here? ONCE again, the party is left asking the same question it has asked itself since Sturgeon quit: "What do we do now?" The former councillor suggests a 'dose of reality', adding: 'No matter how much we repeat that statement on the doorsteps, that 'we don't take any votes for granted,' we are very much taking the entire nation for granted for the very little effort we put in to being strategic on how we are leading this nation." READ MORE: How did Labour win the Hamilton by-election with an 'invisible man' candidate? Others have called for the party to simply be 'more inspirational,' with one staffer adding: 'The churn at the top over last few years has meant promises have often been dropped just as quickly as they've been made.' Another member said they had been 'stunned' by the result on Friday morning, sharing: 'We obviously lost votes to Reform. The Greens and our vote don't seem to be turning out. 'I think John Swinney is a good man but probably not the best person the get the voters excited enough to vote SNP. It scares me for 2026. Stephen Flynn may be better. There doesn't seem to be a direction for independence.' However, not everyone agrees that Swinney or the party is in trouble, including Swinney himself. Coming second in the vote, the First Minister said on Monday, is an 'indication that we are still able to perform strongly electorally'. The First Minister added that his party lost the overlapping seat at Westminster – Hamilton and Clyde Valley – by 9000 votes last year and by just 600 on Thursday. 'So, we are quite clearly in a position where we can achieve electoral success, but we have got to build on that and make sure we're stronger for 2026,' he added. 'Any suggestions the party isn't fully behind John is being peddled by those outwith the party or by a miniscule minority,' activist Logan Urwin said. Another activist, who campaigned heavily in the by-election alongside Swinney and candidate Katy Loudon, said: "I feel somewhat confident as feel that we are at a better position than last year. "I do think that what happened in the by-election was strategic errors and hopefully [will be] fixed next year, but do fear that similar seats to Hamilton, Larkhall, and Stonehouse might be at real risk and needs work to make sure they stay SNP". Glasgow activist Doug Daniel agreed, adding: 'The party seems to be in a much better place than it was when John took over, and although it's a shame we didn't quite get over the line in Hamilton, Larkhall, and Stonehouse, it's not quite the catastrophe some commentators are making it out to be. 'I think people forget we've only won one of the five previous Holyrood by-elections that have taken place since 2007, and this one was far closer than any of those. I think it'll be a different story in 2026 when people are asking themselves who they trust to stand up for Scotland against a failing Labour UK Government.'
The National
06-06-2025
- Politics
- The National
This result shows the time has arrived for make-or-break move for SNP
We didn't need Professor Curtice to highlight that SNP fortunes haven't improved since the General Election. It was readily apparent to anyone who followed this SNP leadership contesting Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse as a supposed party of 'independence' and yet not relying on it to garner support. At a time when national polling for independence is reckoned to hover around 54%, Swinney's SNP managed to garner just 12% support from Hamilton's electorate (only 29% of those who actually voted). Doesn't this prove beyond any doubt he and his party are getting it woefully wrong? At a time when the independence movement is straining at the leash for real campaigning political leadership, itching to get the campaign into full swing, hasn't the SNP's campaign chief, Jamie Hepburn, signalled indy being kicked down the road once again when in Laura Pollock's report (June 6) he states: 'Next year, we're going into a General Election for the Scottish Parliament ... the fundamental question will be who's forming the next government ... who's going to be the next first minister ... either John Swinney or Anas Sarwar.' READ MORE: Patrick Harvie: Increased UK defence spending only makes war more likely There we have it. This SNP's clear intention is to just play regional politics, presumably to secure their own positions, rather than fight the 2026 election as the de facto referendum the movement demands and the polls suggest the public desires. I suspect the new strategy SNP may be heading towards claiming that the de facto referendum should be at the next General Election and promising to make it so ... just as long as we elect them to Holyrood next year so they can 'deliver' it. Well, let's head that one off at the pass. If 2026 is ignored as the legitimate platform for Scots to determine their national status, or fail to force the referendum our democratic rights deserve, then who doubts the SNP will be soundly defeated and the independence movement will need to start from scratch to fight for independence without them; trust in the SNP decimated and Scotland's independence prospects truly parked for another generation – victory for the Unionists? If Keir Starmer, as seems likely, is about to scapegoat Rachel Reeves to secure his position, isn't it time for the SNP to scapegoat their current leader and his influencers in order to elect a leader in time for 2026 who has independence at heart, has the drive to deliver it and can persuade 54% and rising of Scots that they can do so? Hasn't the Hamilton election result shown the time has arrived for, if no serious independence leadership and drive for it, then no SNP? Jim Taylor Scotland THE loss of the Hamilton by-election to the risibly inept 'Scottish' Labour – a party so devoid of ideas it could barely muster a coherent manifesto – is not merely a setback. It is a catastrophe of the SNP's own making, a fiasco that reeks of complacency, strategic idiocy and the kind of centrist dithering that has come to define John Swinney's leadership. This was an entirely avoidable humiliation. Instead of seizing the moment – with independence support now at a formidable sum – Swinney, that master of inertia, chose to dither. His response? A pledge to wait until 75% of Scots beg for freedom before lifting a finger. One wonders if he imagines history's great emancipators –Washington, Bolívar, even the wretched Garibaldi – paused to consult focus groups before acting. When Starmer, that most unctuous of Westminster careerists, declared he would block any independence referendum, Swinney's silence was deafening. Not a word of defiance, not a hint of resistance to the colonial farce of Section 30. Instead, he opted to align with Labour – a party whose sole distinction from Reform is a marginally more polished veneer of hypocrisy. Both are Unionist to the core, united in their mission to siphon Scotland's wealth southward while offering nothing but condescension in return. The campaign itself was a masterclass in misdirection. Rather than rallying the independence movement with a bold vision, Swinney fixated on Reform – as if thwarting Nigel Farage's band of reactionary clowns was the defining struggle of Scottish nationalism. The result? A muddled, defensive mess that left voters uninspired and Labour undeservedly triumphant. Worse still, Swinney has perpetuated the worst excesses of the Sturgeon era: the cult of secrecy, the slavish deference to corporate interests (see: Flamingo Land's desecration of Loch Lomond) and the systematic sidelining of anyone with a spine. Sturgeon's legacy was to ensure that no competent successor could emerge – only loyalists and mediocrities, of which Swinney is the apotheosis. The truth is stark: the SNP have no plan for independence. No strategy beyond grovelling to Westminster for permission to hold a vote – a humiliation masquerading as diplomacy. It is a spectacle so pitiful it verges on self-parody. Swinney must go. Not with a whimper, but with the swift, decisive exit his failures demand. The independence movement deserves leaders who grasp that freedom is seized, not negotiated – and who possess the courage to act accordingly. Until then, the SNP's decline will continue, and Scotland's potential will remain shackled by the timid and the unimaginative. Alan Hinnrichs Dundee
