Opening of new daycare in North Vancouver delayed by months due to park permit issue
The owner of a North Vancouver daycare says red tape has cost her thousands of dollars and has delayed the opening of her business by months. Now, she's warning others about the bureaucratic back-and-forth. Amelia John has more on the questions being raised over licensing requirements for public parks.
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Travel Weekly
2 hours ago
- Travel Weekly
Canada's competition bureau wants to open domestic routes to foreign airlines
In a market study report released June 19, Competition Bureau Canada recommended that the country open domestic flying to international airlines. The bureau also suggests that domestic-only airlines be allowed to be fully owned by international interests. And it recommended that Canada's limit of 25% ownership of Canadian airlines by a single investor be increased to 49%. "Allowing more foreign investment in Canadian airlines improves access to capital, drives growth, and promotes competition," the bureau said. The recommendations are among a variety of measures the bureau is suggesting to improve airline competition in what it views as the highly concentrated Canadian market. Air Canada had 34% of the domestic Canadian passenger share in 2023, the bureau said, followed by WestJet with 30%. Flair and Porter airlines are by far the two next largest carriers, with a combined market share of 19%. The report, however, does note that market concentration decreased across major Canadian airports from 2019 to 2023, with Flair, Porter and other airlines grabbing share from Air Canada and WestJet. Air Canada responded to the Competition Bureau report with its own slide show on Canadian airline competition. "Competition in Canada is as robust, if not more, than other jurisdictions," the airline said. In a series of pie charts, it showed Canada's domestic market against more concentrated markets, such as Australia, France and India. Air Canada said that if Canadian air travel fees and taxes were reduced 12.5%, to the U.S. level, it would spur 10.7% more demand. In May, Delta and Air France-KLM announced a WestJet investment. Delta agreed to purchase a 15% stake in the Canadian carrier. Upon closing, Delta plans to sell a 2.3% WestJet stake to Air France-KLM. Once both transactions are completed, Delta's investment in WestJet will amount to $280 million and Air France-KLM's $50 million.
Yahoo
2 hours ago
- Yahoo
Opinion: We needed to get rid of the dairy cartel, not sanctify it in law
By Lawrence L. Herman It never ends. On June 5, Yves-François Blanchet, the Bloc leader in Parliament, tabled Bill C-202, a private member's bill that's yet another regrettable effort to enshrine Canada's Soviet-style supply management system in the statute books. It legislates against any increased imports of dairy products, eggs and poultry — sectors the system protects from foreign competition — under Canada's current or future trade agreements. The Senate fast-tracked the bill, passing it on June 17 after it sailed through the House with virtually unanimous support. It's an unprecedented piece of protectionist legislation that favours this one group of farmers. C-202 is virtually identical to Bill C-282, which a Bloc member tabled in 2021 during the past Parliament. It was passed by the Commons in June 2023 and was still being examined in the Senate last November when Donald Trump was elected. It had been stalled there for almost two years and — mercifully — died on the order paper when this spring's election was called. As well as preventing imports, supply management is a quintessential barrier to internal trade, designed to protect local producers against out-of-province competition, whether in dairy, eggs or poultry. Under the influence of the well-financed dairy lobby, the Trudeau government and all the other parties supported Bill C-282 as it made its way through the House. This time round, however, it's hard to see how the Liberals could have voted in favour of a blatantly protectionist bill completely at odds with the Carney government's core policy of dismantling interprovincial trade barriers — and doing so before July 1, no less. While Blanchet and his Bloc colleagues have remained focused on currying favour with Quebec dairy farmers, there has been a sea change in the geopolitical context, most notably a dramatic deterioration in the Canada-U.S. relationship, with Trump targeting dairy import restrictions among the many trade assaults he's been directing at Canada. For Parliament to raise this protectionist fence higher is downright foolish — as was emphasized by experts over and over again during the debate on C-282 — and would seriously jeopardize our relations with the U.S. at this very sensitive juncture. That alone should have consigned C-202 to the Parliamentary dustbin. But some other factors that are not always fully aired should outrage Canadians when the facts are better understood. Consider the dairy sector as an illustration. First, to make supply management work, over the past 50 years governments at both federal and provincial levels have layered complexities onto the system, creating a mind-numbing process run by vast bureaucracies from coast to coast. This newspaper explained it all in a report compiled by staff about a year ago. At the top of the structure is the Canadian Dairy Commission (CDC) and its Canadian Milk Supply Management Committee (CMSMC). Each year, the CMSMC sets the allowable production volume for Canada as whole and the Commission then divides this up among the provinces, who parcel out the quota to their own producers, distributors, processors and consumers. The CDC then sets the farm-gate price for milk under what's called the National Pricing Formula. While consumers may think of milk as milk, under supply management milk is divided into five different classes and many sub-classes, based on what the milk is used for, whether as a consumer good or for further processing. The CDC applies the National Pricing Formula to set the annual farm-gate price in each class, with the price being different for each milk component — butter fat, proteins and solids. Provincial marketing boards then take all of this and, after even more consultations with industry players, determine who in their province is allowed to produce what, as well as where and to whom it can be sold, in what volume and at what price in that particular province. This goes on, year after year, involving scads of officials. Other industries, meanwhile, manage to decide prices and quantities without regulators' help. The point here isn't to go through all of these bureaucratic intricacies — details can be found in the FP report already referred to and on the CDC website — but to illustrate that in diary alone, the system is inordinately complex, difficult to penetrate, and run by large bureaucracies across the country. All this for the benefit of a few more than 9,000 dairy farms, compared, say, with Canada's 71,000 beef farms and 7,400 pig farms, which operate on the open market and receive no such guarantees. These numbers alone illustrate the inequities of this complex, over-staffed and costly system that exists to protect a small but highly favoured fraction of Canada's agricultural producers. When it comes to who runs the system, there's another set of issues that should outrage Canadians. It's run by insiders, persons with direct connections to the dairy industry, the same industry the system is supposed to regulate. For example, the CDC board is made up of persons with dairy industry connections, the chair being a dairy farmer himself. The Supply Management Committee is also weighted with industry players. At the provincial level, there's the same problem. All members of the Ontario Milk Marketing Board, for example, are dairy farmers, a pattern replicated in the other provinces. It's hard to see where the public interest comes in. Jack Mintz: Don't expect big economic gains from lower interprovincial barriers Bjorn Lomborg: Freer trade isn't dead yet, which is a good thing for all of us All of this should have led to a derailment of Bill C-202 and for the Carney government to start to phase out supply management as an outdated, discriminatory, protectionist system, contrary to the public interest. Though C-202 has passed, the government could hold up the proclamation needed to bring it into force pending further developments in our trading relations. In the meantime, Canadians should be concerned both about supply management itself and about the outsized influence its lobbyists have in Ottawa. Lawrence L. Herman, international counsel at Herman & Associates, is a senior fellow at the C.D. Howe Institute. Sign in to access your portfolio
Yahoo
3 hours ago
- Yahoo
Don't regulate us like radio, music streamer Spotify tells CRTC
OTTAWA — Music streamer Spotify says Canada's federal broadcast regulator shouldn't impose rules meant for radio on streaming services. Appearing before a CRTC hearing today, company representatives compared regulating Spotify like a radio station to treating Uber like a horse and buggy. In its written submission, Spotify argued the CRTC doesn't have the jurisdiction to extend rules governing commercial negotiations and disputes in the broadcast sector to online players. The CRTC is holding a hearing on market dynamics as part of its work to implement the Online Streaming Act, which updated broadcasting laws to capture online platforms. During previous hearings, large cable and broadcasting companies like Bell and Rogers called on the CRTC to loosen existing rules for traditional players. They're taking aim at regulations governing how cable channels must be packaged and disputes about carriage of cable channels. This report by The Canadian Press was first published June 20, 2025. Anja Karadeglija, The Canadian Press
