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How Caste, a word of Spanish origin, redefined Indian social order during British rule

How Caste, a word of Spanish origin, redefined Indian social order during British rule

India Today11-06-2025

One word that still thrives in India and continues to challenge society is caste. The word originated in Spain and was later used by Portuguese, and it was the British who institutionalised it within the Indian system.Caste, derived from casta, is now deeply linked with India's ancient social structure, the varna system, in which esoteric individuals based on the work performed and, by extension, their place in society.advertisementAs per the Rig Veda, the varna system divided society into four main groups: Brahmins, the learned class; Kshatriyas, the rulers and warriors; Vaishyas, the merchants and landowners; and Shudras, those who did manual labour. Outside this structure were those considered 'untouchables.'
The first official Indian census was conducted in 1871, well before independence. It recorded over 2,500 castes. These caste listings included all professions -- for example, Sonar, a term for goldsmiths, was listed as a backward class.By the 1931 census, the number of recorded castes had risen to over 3,000. This was the last time a caste-based census was held -- pre- or post-independence.Even though caste -- a word not native to Indian soil -- became the most defining social construct of the land, shaping society for over two centuries, how did this happen? What changed and divided Indian society so deeply that it is now difficult to separate from it?advertisementWas Indian society fragile from the beginning, or did it evolve over time, with the differentiation of work and social categories outlined in the varna system becoming more rigid? These are the questions scholars and academics have long sought to answer.
Specimen of various described castes(Image: Wikimedia Commons)
VARNA, JATI, AND CASTEThe varna system, as mentioned in the Rig Veda, is thousands of years old and outlines how society and work were structured. Though there were four main varnas, epics like the Mahabharata and Ramayana offer examples of how these identities could shift.Vishwamitra, born a Kshatriya, was later revered as a Rishi due to his conduct. The story of Eklavya is often cited -- denied training by Dronacharya due to his varna, Eklavya's father, Hiranyadhanu, nonetheless served in King Jarasandha's army, showing that lower-caste individuals were not excluded from warfare or learning.In Indian texts, jati -- meaning birth -- is often mentioned less often than varna, but the concept is more complex. While varna divided society into four broad categories, jatis represented thousands of lineage- or occupation-based groups.advertisementThese groups, though endogamous (a practice of marrying or mating within a specific group, such as a caste, ethnic group, religious group), varied across regions.Louis Dumont, a French anthropologist, linked jatis to religious purity and pollution, but others argue their origins are more secular, rooted in economics, politics, and geography.Although jatis are often associated with jobs, they have not strictly limited occupational roles. Genetic studies suggest jatis practiced endogamy since the Gupta period, possibly earlier.Jatis are not exclusive to Hindus -- they are found among Muslims, Christians, and tribal populations, without one single hierarchical order.The English word caste, now so commonly used in the Indian context, did not originate here. It came by way of Portugal. When the Portuguese first made landfall in India in the year 1498, they applied word 'casta' -- a term used for lineage or stock -- to describe the many birth-bound communities they observed.The English language took this word in by 1613, and it stayed.Historian Sumit Guha, in his account Beyond Caste, writes of how Portuguese became a seafaring tongue, spoken in distant corners of Asia. Through this language, the West began to make sense of Indian life or tried to.advertisementIn time, the British would carry out that task further. Guha notes that 'casta' spoke first of blood -- of purity in animals, then people which derived from the concept of purity of blood, limpieza de sangre.It imagined that a community's worth could be preserved by guarding the bloodline, especially through the modesty of its women.
Dr Ambedkar with the leaders of 'Scheduled Caste Federation'. Scheduled Caste Federation Conference, Nagpur (Image: Wikimedia Commons)
Anthropologist Morton Klass reminds us that there is no true match for the word caste in any Indian tongue. The Iberians, shaped by their own worldviews and prejudices, used casta to rank peoples they met -- first in Asia, then in the Americas.As the Brisitsh engaged more with Indian society, they began to see it through their own lens.To them, India's jatis seemed like ordered groups, made to preserve ancestry. This view suited the world they came from -- a world where bloodlines and hierarchies mattered greatly.advertisementThat Portugal and Spain were deep in the trade of enslaved people only made such ideas more rigid.British historian Charles Boxer once observed that the beliefs the Iberians carried -- whether by sea, cross, or sword -- did not fade quickly. For many years, race and rank walked hand in hand. The echoes, perhaps, still ring.THE CASTE CENSUS AND ORIGIN OF NEW JATISWhen the British arrived in India, they stepped into a land full of rich traditions, local customs, and complex social networks. After centuries of invasions and changes in power, Indian society had become layered and diverse -- very different from what the ancient texts once described.Each community had its own way of life, and it was unlike anything the British had dealt with before.To make sense of this diversity and to rule more efficiently, the British started recording details about the people. This led to the first complete census of India in 1871. It wasn't just about counting people -- it was about sorting them into groups based on caste, religion, occupation, and other categories.Historians like Sumit Guha believe that this was the first major step in giving caste a rigid and official place in Indian society.advertisementThe census didn't just reflect what society looked like; it shaped how people came to see themselves and each other.British also recorded each individual's caste, religion, occupation, and age. These accounts went on until 1941 and had one major impact -- Britishers began defining how people came to be viewed in society.What was fluid and dynamic began to become fixed on paper.
Specimen of caste in India (Image: Wikimedia Commons)
One sociologist, Michael Mann, has stated that these censuses were more of what the British required to govern rather than what the Indians lived.The British rarely knew how things actually operated here, so they relied on older religious writings and counsel from higher-caste leaders -- particularly Brahmins -- to determine how to document Indian society.The British realised that if everyone could be put into tidy compartments, it would be possible to manage such a large nation. But not always.A Brahmin in Bengal, for instance, was more like other Bengal castes than like Brahmins elsewhere -- so the concept of one definite 'Brahmin' identity didn't quite work.The Brahmin identity was there before the British, but it wasn't always rigid or codified.People were allowed to shift between roles, and there was openness for change. But once the British began inserting caste into official documents, it started to become more fixed and less accessible to change.That's why some authors think that the British didn't only document caste -- they assisted in forming what it was. Others think caste existed naturally but concur that the British made it more rigid in human minds.So let's pose the big question: did the British have a hand in establishing India's caste system, or did they reformulate it to suit their means of domination? That's something historians still debate nowadays.Must Watch

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A common name, a father's light
A common name, a father's light

Indian Express

time34 minutes ago

  • Indian Express

A common name, a father's light

By Jyoti Pande Lavakare I always found Valentine's Day, Mother's Day, Father's Day and their other mercantile mutations more Hallmark happenings than any meaningful moments of meditative mensch. Something has changed now. I no longer feel like a judgy bear, holding up a disdainful nose at these commemorations. Life has softened me in as many ways as it has strengthened me. This Father's Day, I found myself thinking about my father, who recently turned 95 and is fading faster than I can accept. He comes from a family of priests, intelligent, fiercely hard working but once desperately poor. He was born in 1930, when India had not even become Independent, raising a family of females on a single salary in the 1950s-60s because society didn't encourage women to work. With almost single-minded focus, he pulled himself out of his own family's genteel poverty, wearing his values like a medal while 'serving the government of independent India'. Like men of his generation, he was also singularly inexpressive of his love for us, his children, although by the time I was born, that was changing. I remember his cuddles and bedtime stories vividly. But it is one story that keeps coming to mind whenever I think of his love for me. Growing up, I disliked my name because every 10th person was named 'Jyoti' then. When my friends called me 'Jo' or 'Jojo' or 'Joey', I responded happily, desperately hoping my given name would be quietly forgotten. As the third of four daughters in a north Indian family, I always knew it was a son they were hoping for when I was born. One day, I must have been around 10, I asked him if he was disappointed at my birth. I don't think anyone had asked him that, not even after the birth of my younger sister. People just assumed that disappointment was a given. He looked at me in surprise. 'Disappointed?' he said, confused. 'You brought me more joy than I can remember. Your birth was aligned with a big promotion, more prosperity. I enjoyed your childhood more than that of my other children.' His usually serious eyes lit up in a smile. Although, by this time, our relationship had become more formal — his hugs and night-time stories a thing of the past — I remember his words bringing me comfort. We were standing under the frangipani tree I used to climb in the rambling garden of one of the whitewashed government houses I grew up in. I still remember the way he impatiently flicked back his jet-black hair from his wide forehead as he said, 'When your older sisters were born, I was too young and too poor and had too many responsibilities — my parents, jobless siblings, cousins who needed a leg up. I could never pamper them the way I pampered you when you were born a decade later.' He continued, 'Do you know why I named you Jyoti? As I was driving your mother to the hospital in Delhi on a cold January morning, the whole city was lit up for Republic Day. I felt the city was celebrating your birth. And so, when you were born, the only name I could think of for you was Jyoti (light).' I embraced my name only because of this conversation. It reminds me of my father's love for me even today, when he is infirm, barely mobile, gazing out of his lounger, his eyes cloudy with cataract, his once sharp mind often disoriented, his once bushy eyebrows drooping and white. He is more expressive now, always telling me how much he looks forward to my biweekly visits, when I read the Bhagavad Gita to him or we listen to a podcast on Vedanta. After his last foray to the ICU, he became even more fragile, but at least he is stable. For now. I know the time has come to let him go, and I'm trying. Our conversations during these visits have told me more than my own memories of how my parents tried their best to raise their four daughters like sons at a time when this was an anachronism. Even today, he won't live with one of his married daughters. He prefers to live in his own house, a hospice-type situation with 24-hour attendants, all of them financed by his pension — payback for his years of his service to 'the government of independent India'. We live longer today because medicine has expanded lifespans, but sometimes, as in the case of my father, quality of life suffers. I know that even when he passes on, whenever someone calls me by the name he gave me, however common it may sound to others, it will remind me of his love for me, his third daughter who brought him light in a country that still doesn't value its women. The writer is a former journalist and the author of 'Breathing Here is Injurious to Your Health' National Editor Shalini Langer curates the fortnightly 'She Said' column

Hindu scriptology and the civilisational impact of Brahmi
Hindu scriptology and the civilisational impact of Brahmi

Hans India

timean hour ago

  • Hans India

Hindu scriptology and the civilisational impact of Brahmi

The Brahmi script, an ancient Hindu writing system, is the progenitor of numerous scripts across India, South Asia, Southeast Asia, and parts of East Asia, earning it the title "mother of Indian scripts." This article explores Hindu Scriptology—the study of Brahmi-derived scripts—focusing on their evolution through Uttara Brahmi (Northern Brahmi) and Dakshina Brahmi (Southern Brahmi), which gave rise to scripts such as Devanagari, Tamil, Thai, and Khmer. Brahmi's legacy reflects the vast reach of Hindu civilisation, which, until the 8th century CE, spanned from Afghanistan in the west to the Malay Archipelago in the east. Despite Islamic conquests and colonial influences and introduction of Arabic and Latin scripts in some regions, Brahmi-derived scripts endure, evidencing Hindu cultural unity. However, without a Hindu state, Hindu civilisation faces threats to its languages, scripts, and heritage. This article argues that Brahmi dates to the Rigvedic period or earlier, examines its descendants, their significance, and the urgent need to preserve this heritage. Origins of Brahmi: Foundation of Hindu Scriptology Brahmi's earliest evidence appears in Emperor Ashoka's edicts (circa 268–232 BCE), marking it among the world's earliest writing systems. Its origins likely trace to the Rigvedic period (1500–1200 BCE or earlier), rooted in Hindu civilisation's intellectual advancements. Brahmi's syllabic structure, with consonants carrying inherent vowels modifiable by diacritics, suited the phonological complexity of Indian languages. Western dating of Hindu civilisational events often avoids exceeding 4000 BCE, potentially due to alignment with Biblical timelines, resulting in dates that may diminish Hindu civilisation's antiquity. However, this article does not delve into these debates, as they are beyond its scope. The Rigveda's 1,028 hymns, with precise syllable counts (e.g., Gayatri with eight syllables per line, Trishtubh with 11), suggest a sophisticated linguistic system, likely supported by a script, despite oral transmission via techniques like pada-patha and ghana-patha. Non-sacred activities, such as trade or annotations, likely required writing, though perishable materials like palm leaves have left no trace. Panini's Ashtadhyayi (~5th century BCE or earlier), a grammatical treatise with ~4,000 sutras, implies a need for written codification due to its complexity. The name "Brahmi," linked to Brahma, the divine holder of the Vedas, reinforces traditional beliefs in its ancient origins, tying it to the Rigveda. The Indus Valley Script (3300–1900 BCE) indicates an early writing culture, potentially influencing a proto-Brahmi. The absence of epigraphical evidence before the third century BCE reflects archaeological limitations, not a scriptless civilisation. Ashokan inscriptions, spanning Afghanistan to Sri Lanka, show Brahmi's role in unifying a diverse empire, spreading Hindu and Buddhist principles. Its standardised form suggests prior development, likely from the Rigvedic period or earlier, establishing Hindu scriptology's foundation. The absence of pre-3rd century BCE epigraphical evidence reflects archaeological limitations, not a scriptless civilisation that produced great works such as the Rigveda and Panini's Ashtadhyayi long before. Ashokan inscriptions, spanning Afghanistan to Sri Lanka, show Brahmi's role in unifying a diverse empire, spreading Hindu and Buddhist principles. Its standardised form suggests prior development, likely from the Rigvedic period, establishing Hindu scriptology's foundation. Bifurcation of Brahmi: Uttara and Dakshina Brahmi By the early centuries CE, Brahmi's regional variants, which began evolving earlier (e.g., Tamil-Brahmi in the 3rd century BCE), were classified as Uttara Brahmi (Northern Brahmi) and Dakshina Brahmi (Southern Brahmi), reflecting geographical and linguistic diversity. Uttara Brahmi: The northern branch: Uttara Brahmi, used north of the Vindhyas, wrote Sanskrit and Prakrit for Hindu, Buddhist and Jain traditions, characterised by angular forms. Its descendants include: Devanagari:Used for Sanskrit, Hindi, Marathi, and Nepali, Devanagari evolved from the Gupta script, with its shirorekha (horizontal line) symbolising northern script unity. Sharada:Used in Kashmir for Sanskrit and Kashmiri, it remains a symbol of Hindu heritage. Gujarati:A cursive Devanagari derivative, reflecting Gujarat's cultural dynamism. Gurmukhi:Developed for Punjabi by Guru Angad, tied to Sikhism's Hindu ethos. Bengali, Odiya, Assamese:Evolving from the Siddham script, these preserve Hindu literary traditions. Meetei Mayek:Revived in Manipur, symbolising Hindu heritage reclamation. Tibetan:Developed in the 7th century, it spread Buddhism, a Hindu-derived religion, to Tibet. These scripts, driven by Hindu, and Buddhist traditions, carried Hindu influence to Central Asia, embodying northern Hindu scriptology's unity. Dakshina Brahmi: The southern branch: Dakshina Brahmi, used in southern India, Sri Lanka, and Southeast Asia, adapted to Dravidian and non-Indo-Aryan languages with rounded forms. Its descendants include: Tamil:Originating from Tamil-Brahmi (3rd century BCE), an early southern Brahmi variant, it evolved through Vatteluttu and Pallava scripts (4th–7th centuries CE), with significant Grantha influence, and was standardised in the 20th century. Telugu, Kannada:From the Kadamba script (4th–6th centuries CE), emerging from a shared script by the 13th century. Malayalam:Derived from Tamil-Brahmi via Vatteluttu, shaped by Grantha, and simplified by the 20th century. Sinhala:Evolving in Sri Lanka by the 3rd century CE, it preserves Buddhist literature. Khmer, Thai, Lao:From Pallava script, spreading Hindu-Buddhist culture to Southeast Asia. Burmese:Derived from Mon script, reflecting Myanmar's Hindu-Buddhist past. Javanese, Balinese:Rooted in Pallava, these encapsulate Indonesia's Hindu-Buddhist heritage. Chakma:Adapted for a Tibeto-Burman language, supporting Buddhist texts. Malay Scripts (Kawi, Rencong, Batak, Lontara):Thriving during the Hindu-Buddhist period (4th–13th centuries CE), these were later replaced by Arabic (Jawi) and Latin (Rumi) scripts due to Islamisation and colonial influence. These southern Brahmi scripts, with their rounded forms and adaptability to diverse phonologies, highlight Hindu civilisation's linguistic diversity, spread through Pallava and Chola maritime networks across South and Southeast Asia. Cultural and Linguistic Significance Until the 8th century CE, Hindu civilisation, spanning from Afghanistan to the Malay Archipelago, was unified by shared religious practices, philosophies, and Brahmi-derived scripts. Temples, stupas, and inscriptions from Gandhara to Java reflect this interconnectedness, with Brahmi as the scriptological thread. Religious texts and cultural transmission: Brahmi-derived scripts preserved Hindu civilisation's religious heritage. Devanagari transcribed Vedic hymns, Upanishads, and epics, while Tamil recorded Sangam literature and devotional works. Khmer and Thai scripts adapted Hindu and Buddhist texts, and Tibetan and Sinhala scripts preserved Mahayana and Theravada canons, respectively, spreading Hindu ethos across Asia. Linguistic adaptation: Brahmi's adaptability suited diverse linguistic systems. Northern scripts like Devanagari handled Indo-Aryan consonant clusters, while southern scripts suited Dravidian structures. Khmer and Thai scripts accommodated tonal languages, reflecting Hindu scribes' ingenuity in preserving a shared heritage. Trade and Cultural Exchange Trade and maritime routes, led by Pallava and Chola dynasties, spread Brahmi-derived scripts to Southeast Asia, seen in Angkor Wat and Borobudur. The Silk Road carried Uttara Brahmi to Central Asia and Tibet. These exchanges highlight Hindu civilisation's role as a cultural bridge, with Brahmi scripts enduring in regions like Thailand and Bali. Losses of Hindu civilisation: Islamic conquests from the eighth century replaced Brahmi-derived scripts with Perso-Arabic in Afghanistan and Pakistan, dismantling Hindu and Buddhist institutions. Colonial rule marginalised Brahmi scripts, favouring English and Roman scripts. In Southeast Asia, Latin orthographies diminished scripts like Javanese. Without a Hindu state, Hindu civilisation's culture, languages, and scripts face challenges in preservation. A call to reclaim Hindu civilisation: Brahmi-derived scripts reflect Hindu civilisation's historical grandeur, yet conquest, colonisation, and secularism threaten its survival. Nations like India and Nepal must promote these scripts, fund scriptological research, and integrate Hindu cultural education to preserve this heritage. These scripts, from Devanagari's shirorekha to Telugu's curves, embody a civilisation that once illuminated Asia, urging a renewed identity to ensure its global resonance. Conclusion Brahmi and its descendants represent a pinnacle of human ingenuity and Hindu civilisation's cornerstone. From its Rigvedic origins to its spread across Asia, Brahmi unified diverse regions through a shared scriptological heritage. Its bifurcation into Uttara and Dakshina Brahmi reflects Hindu civilisation's diversity and resilience. Despite losses from conquest, colonisation, and secularism, these scripts endure, testifying to Hindu civilisation's legacy. Without state patronage, this heritage risks extinction, demanding urgent action to preserve and revitalise it. By celebrating Hindu scriptology, we honour an ancient civilisation that shaped Asia and, possibly, beyond, inspiring a renaissance to secure its future. (The writer is a retired IPS officer, and a former Director of CBI. Views are personal)

Crew of stealth frigate 'Tamal' celebrates International Yoga Day at iconic Kant Cathedral in Russia
Crew of stealth frigate 'Tamal' celebrates International Yoga Day at iconic Kant Cathedral in Russia

India Gazette

timean hour ago

  • India Gazette

Crew of stealth frigate 'Tamal' celebrates International Yoga Day at iconic Kant Cathedral in Russia

Moscow [Russia], June 22 (ANI): The crew of the soon-to-be-inducted stealth frigate Tamal celebrated the International Day of Yoga 2025 at the iconic Kant Cathedral in central Kaliningrad, Russia, the Indian Navy said on Saturday. In a post on X, the Navy wrote, 'Yoga for one Earth one Health- The crew of the soon to be inducted Stealth Frigate Tamal celebrated the International Day of Yoga 2025 at the Iconic Kant Cathedral in Central Kaliningrad, Russia.' Meanwhile, the Indian Embassy in Russia celebrated the 11th International Day of Yoga 2025 at the iconic VDNKH (Exhibition of Achievements of National Economy) in Moscow on Saturday. The event drew hundreds of participants who came together to promote unity, wellness, and the benefits of yoga. Indian Ambassador to the Russian Federation Vinay Kumar and Bulat Nurmukhanov, Deputy Chairman, Moscow City Tourism Committee, led the event. 'Celebrating #IDY2025 at the iconic VDNKH with the Moscow City Government. Hundreds joined in the spirit of unity, wellness & yoga. Amb @vkumar1969 & Mr. Bulat Nurmukhanov, Dy. Chairman, Moscow City Tourism Committee, led the event. Beautiful morning of harmony and health!' Indian Embassy in Russia said in a post on X. Earlier, the Indian Embassy in Tokyo also shared pictures, celebrating the 11th International Day of Yoga, promoting harmony, peace, and collective well-being through this ancient practice. 'The sacred chants of 'Om' reverberated across Tokyo during the celebrations of the 11th International Day of Yoga, organised by the Embassy of India, Tokyo invoking harmony, peace, and collective well-being,' the Embassy of India in Japan wrote on X. 'Following an energizing yoga session, participants enjoyed a taste of India with refreshing mangoes, nutritious millets, and warm chai, served at the 11th International Day of Yoga hosted by the Embassy of India, Tokyo,' the India Embassy said in a post on X. Meanwhile, the Indian Embassy in Nepal and the Consulate General of India in Birgunj on Saturday organised a series of engaging events across 10 cities and municipalities in Nepal, including Kathmandu, Pokhara, Lamjung, Lumbini, Janakpur, Chitwan, Birgunj, Hetauda, Rautahat and Bariyarpur to mark the 11th International Day of Yoga. (ANI)

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