Pakistan's next attack may be chemical with drones
Born in Meerut, India and after finishing early education, opted out of IIT, Kanpur to join NDA, Khadakwasla, Pune. Commissioned as an officer in the Indian Army in December 1975 at Kargil and has combat experience of the IPKF in Sri Lanka and the Kargil War. Trained armed forces officers in NDA, Army War College and Kashmir Valley. Commanded an Infantry Battalion. Post retirement, served with the Government of India in several capacities including e-Governance Division in MeitY as well as in National Security Council Secretariat (PMO) till a couple of years back and was instrumental in policy analysis, public-private -partnership for Cyber Security and other related fields such as crypto-currencies, AI etc. A Published author of several books such as 'The Fourth Estate as a Force Multiplier for the Indian Army', 'The Kargil Victory: Battles from Peak to Peak' and 'Kargil Heroes' and authored a large number of articles in various magazines. Areas of interest: Defence Strategy and Military History, Geopolitical and Strategic Developments and Science and Technology'. LESS ... MORE
With Indus Water Treaty in abeyance after the Pahalgam terror attack and launching of Operation Sindoor, the terrorists, Pakistani political leadership and Pakistan Army have publicly been threatening India with dire consequences. Bilawal said either the water will flow or the blood; Hafiz Sayeed, 77 years old, Laskar-e-Toiba chief, threatened that, 'woh pani rokenge, hum unki saanse rok denge' and Pakistan Army Generals have echoed the same sentiments to stop the Indians breathing. What does that mean, and how do they want to do it?
These statements are not mere rhetoric or plain visible jingoism but seem to have been uttered by angry men licking their wounds after receiving the thrashing by the Indian Armed Forces, and they mean that something sinister is brewing in their minds. Considering Pakistan doesn't have the capacity to face the might of a 1.2 million-strong Indian Army, fighting a conventional war alone with India is not the best option, let alone the threatened use of nuclear arsenal. China is unlikely to jump into the fray other than supporting Pakistan with radars, weapons, arms, ammunition and aircraft. Bangladesh is only adding fuel to the fire and will remain an inconsequential, irrelevant irritant. Only Turkey is likely to support Pakistan militarily in any significant manner, but it doesn't warrant opening a separate front. Then what eggs Pakistan on?
Reading between the lines, let us consider what the words to stop India from breathing mean. Literally, it is a threat to choke the Indians. It leads us to surmise that a reference is made to the use of choking gases or chemical agents to block the respiratory tract in which the nose, throat and lungs are ultimately filled with gases or liquid, which is dry land drowning. Types of other chemical threats include the use of nerve, blistering, blood agents and other incapacitants, which have been developed over a period of time.
World War I was the first time, when in 1915, the Germans used chlorine on the western front. With the introduction of the respirators, gases, which could circumvent it, were developed and Mustard gas was introduced to attack the skin. Nerve agents also made their entry shortly thereafter.
The need for the prohibition of the use of asphyxiating, poisonous or other gases in war brought out the 1925 Geneva Protocol, which prohibits the use of chemical and biological weapons, and it entered into force in February 1928. Finally, the Chemical Weapons Convention was established in 1993. CWC bans the development, production, acquisition, stockpiling and retention as well as requiring the destruction of these Chemical weapons. 193 States, including India, are signatories to this treaty. India has ratified it too.
Even though the State of Pakistan has also signed and ratified it, what about the so-called non-state actors – the terrorists, as well as the military of Pakistan, who are openly advocatingthe use of chemical gases? Reports of Pakistan Army infiltrators, disguised as terrorists, using chemical weapons in Kargil at Tololing did circulate in the strategic community but were not verified later.
Hafiz Sayeed and the Pakistan Army General, when they both speak the same language, it makes a serious case. Pakistan is shopping abroad and collecting primary material to finally assemble chemical bombs/chembos. These chembos could ride at the back of drones and head at an opportune moment for an ideal target, such as the upcoming new train to Srinagar or pilgrim places in the hinterland, and spray chemical rain or clouds, and if it is of persistent nature, it could result in a serious tragedy. Shooting them in the sky too close to their intended target would also be dangerous, as the chemical vapours would settle down and still be active in the dispersed zone. India needs to be ready to take countermeasures.
Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer
Views expressed above are the author's own.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Time of India
13 minutes ago
- Time of India
Fordoward Thinking
Iran may still negotiate with US, taking a long view, while skirmishing with Israel. Even if its nuclear infra is damaged, its knowhow isn't. But if the conflict spreads, welfare of 9mn Indians in the region will be New Delhi's first concern For two decades every United States administration said it might someday bomb Iran's enrichment plants. On Saturday night that 'someday' arrived. B-2 stealth bombers dropped 30,000-pound 'bunker buster' bombs while submarines and aircraft launched Tomahawks at Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan, the three most consequential nodes in Iran's IAEA monitored nuclear network. Trump declared that 'Fordow is gone', and that Tehran must 'agree to end this war'. The flourish was vintage Trump – muscular and headline grabbing. But behind the applause lines lies a strategic gamble whose downsides may echo far beyond Qom. Trump crossed a threshold earlier presidents tiptoed around, turning an Israel-Iran slugfest into a US-Iran confrontation. He insists the raid was a 'one-off', intended to cripple enrichment. Although neither US nor Israel has produced evidence that Iran was on the brink of building a bomb, the Pentagon's quick look report claims the strikes set the programme back by years at minimal cost. Physics, however, counsels humility. Centrifuges are hardware while enrichment expertise is software lodged in scientists' heads. Bombs can destroy cylinders but not knowledge. Hardliners in Tehran will now argue that only a nuclear weapon can deter the next bunker buster. Did the raid delay a bomb or make it inevitable? Iran accused US of a grave violation of the UN Charter, NPT and international law and vowed that it will not go unanswered. The easiest escalation is to menace the Strait of Hormuz through which about a fifth of global oil passes every day. Next may come missile salvos on Gulf energy infra or on US installations, and then the possible activation of proxies from Lebanon to Yemen. With Iran's parliament reportedly approving the closure of the strait, Brent could easily move past $100 a barrel. Oxford Economics projects $130 if flows are disrupted, a level that would push world inflation back toward 6%. Traders are already paying a war premium in afterhours quotes. Jerusalem meanwhile is jubilant. Netanyahu called the strike a bold decision. Strategically Israel has shifted part of the fight and the risk to Washington. If Iran retaliates, Americans rather than Israelis will calibrate the counterpunch. That is deterrence by entanglement in the short run. Over time it hands Iran a larger menu of US targets and risks dragging America into a war it does not want. Russia immediately cited the bombing as proof of US recklessness while Beijing called it a serious violation of international norms. Any condemning move at the Security Council will face a US veto. However, in the General Assembly the Global South is expected to side with Iran in significant numbers. For India the strike lands like a thunderclap at a cricket match. New Delhi has tried to balance a growing partnership with Washington, deep defence ties with Israel and consequential arrangements with Tehran, from the Chabahar port to International North-South Transit Corridor and once-robust crude imports. That balancing act has lately been criticised by the main opposition party. ● The immediate anxiety is economic. The Gulf supplies 54% of India's oil, generates about 40% of its remittances and accounts for more than $170bn in two-way trade. India imports more than 80% of its crude; every ten dollar rise in Brent adds about one billion dollars a month to the import bill and pressures the rupee. Consumer inflation just slipped below 5%; a Hormuz scare could undo that gain and complicate RBI's plan to cut rates. GOI is already moving to secure supplies, eyeing the strategic petroleum reserve and talking to several producers to ensure continuity. ● A second priority is the safety of nearly nine million Indians working in the region. Evacuation from Iran and Israel is underway. Operation Sankalp ships in the region can be helpful, if required. Diplomatically India has open channels with Washington, Tehran and Jerusalem, but leverage is thin while missiles fly. Still New Delhi may be able to offer discreet messages that help each side edge away from the brink, just like back-channel efforts by Qatar and Muscat. Meanwhile others such as Saudi Arabia and UAE are actively counselling restraint. The key actors need face-saving options. That also means Washington spelling out what de-escalation looks like. Would it accept enrichment capped below weapons grade? Does it envisage returning to the JCPOA framework with phased sanctions relief? Absent clarity Tehran will read 'time for peace' as code for surrender. In US, supporters have praised decisive action; critics have warned that the President had bypassed Congress and demanded a War Powers vote. Trump's boast that the mission was historic and limited is politically smart yet strategically ambiguous. If Iran swallows the blow and returns to talks the White House can claim victory. If Tehran retaliates Washington can strike again and say it had no choice. Either way the attack chips away at the nonproliferation regime and bets that humiliation will not ignite a wider war. The US entry into another West Asian conflict recalls 1991 and 2003, but this round involves nuclear facilities, peer power pushback and an energy hungry Global South. Fordow's tunnels may indeed be rubble, yet geopolitics rarely collapses neatly. US strikes may be tactically brilliant. Strategically they kick a radioactive can down a much steeper road. That road needs to be kept from becoming a cratered battlefield. The test is whether diplomacy can move faster than the bunker busters. The writer is former permanent representative of India to UN and served as an international civil servant at IAEA Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer Views expressed above are the author's own.
Indian Express
39 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Before next election, EC must address questions raised about Maharashtra polls
Democracy is not merely the act of casting a vote; it is the unshakeable faith that every vote will be counted transparently, and without bias. Today, that faith stands shaken. When Rahul Gandhi recently raised questions about India's elections, citing Maharashtra's example, he voiced the concern of Indians who don't feel represented by those who sit in our legislative houses on their behalf ('Match-fixing Maharashtra', IE, June 7). One of his most shocking revelations was that over 41 lakh new voters were added to the electoral rolls between the Lok Sabha and the Assembly elections in the state, within a span of five months. This number reportedly exceeded the total projected adult population of the state by over 16 lakh individuals. How can a state have more registered adult voters than adults? The ECI's response relied on vague terms — like 'statutory forms' and 'field verifications' on an unsigned note — as justifications. These fall far too short given the electoral anomalies witnessed across the country. During the Delhi election earlier this year, reports of similar malpractices surfaced. The AAP alleged that some constituencies saw bogus and suspicious voter additions, accompanied by deletions, predominantly targeting minorities and backward communities that were traditionally against the BJP. The question arises: How is the Election Commission of India (ECI) enabling voter deletions without verification or transparency? History helps. In March 2019, G K Dwivedi, then Chief Electoral Officer of Andhra Pradesh, flagged the misuse of Form 7 to the ECI. His warnings were brushed aside. Today, the same Form 7 is being used — under the ECI's watch — to manipulate electoral outcomes. The ECI's independence has been further compromised through questionable appointments and dismissals. The 2023 Supreme Court judgment put in place a neutral panel of the Prime Minister, Leader of the Opposition and the Chief Justice of India to select Election Commissioners. However, the Modi government's December 2023 law replaced the CJI with a cabinet minister, giving the ruling party a majority in the selection panel. In March 2024, EC Arun Goel abruptly resigned just weeks before the general elections, reportedly over differences with CEC Rajiv Kumar, a former Finance Secretary seen as being close to the BJP. The ECI stayed silent on the PM's divisive 'infiltrator' remark during the 2024 Lok Sabha campaign. Even in the 2024 Haryana election, some candidates sought a review of the results and EVM-VVPAT slip verification. Why did the ECI get scared to show the papers? Lastly, one must address Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis's attempt to whitewash the government's complot by dismissing our questions with an embarrassingly superficial line of reasoning ('Rejected by people, now he rejects people's mandate', IE, June 8). If the CM struggled to grasp the substance of the issue, we'd be happy to arrange a briefing for him. But if he doesn't care to find out, then he should at least refrain from feigning whataboutery as facts. Fadnavis's response didn't address the scale, timing, and demographic targeting evident in the 2024 elections. He failed to explain why 7.83 per cent of the total votes were cast in just the last hour of polling — the voting surge was observed in 12,000 booths of 85 constituencies where the BJP lagged in the Lok Sabha election but led in the Vidhan Sabha. He produced no evidence to counter this. He is also tight-lipped about clustering of voter spikes and blocking of duplicate EPIC number disclosures. Instead of presenting hard facts, he asks the public to trust him blindly. Not because he's backed by proof, but just because he said so. Unfortunately, that's not enough. Democracy runs on accountability and transparency. Both are glaringly absent from Fadnavis's flimsy defence. If he truly believes the government has nothing to hide, he should support the Congress party's demand for making machine-readable data publicly available. In its absence, his party — in power both at the Union and state level— and the ECI will remain under suspicion. As for the ECI, if it believes Rahul Gandhi's concerns are unfounded, it has every reason to respond with evidence — CCTV footage — and prove him wrong. But CCTV footage is a sensitive topic for the ECI, as on May 30, the ECI ordered election footage to be destroyed just 45 days after polling — unless legally challenged. This deliberate narrowing down of the window for scrutiny should raise the eyebrows of concerned citizens. Why is the ECI in a rush? India is drifting from democracy to a managed electoral state, with the ECI now a tool of the ruling party. And this is visible in the credibility crisis the body faces today. Only 58 per cent of Indians trust it, according to the 2024 CSDS-Lokniti survey. The people of India must ask themselves: Are we truly electing our leaders, or are we being manipulated into validating a pre-decided outcome? Evidence like questionable voter roll changes, last-hour spikes, opaque conduct, and dubious appointments point to a deep decay. What we are witnessing are not isolated electoral malpractices, but a more systematic undoing. As Bihar heads into its next major election, the stakes couldn't be higher. The people of Bihar must rise — not just to cast their vote, but to defend the vote itself. Every addition or deletion in the electoral rolls must be scrutinised. This is about every Indian who believes in the sanctity of the ballot, not just the Congress party. If we don't fight now for a truly independent ECI, we may have neither democracy left to fight for nor the right to fight at all. The writer is Chairman, Media and Publicity Department, AICC
Time of India
40 minutes ago
- Time of India
'You're union minister': Why fight Bihar polls, Bihar CM Nitish Kumar 'asked' Chirag Paswan
PATNA: Bihar CM Nitish Kumar can't see why Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) chief and NDA ally Chirag Paswan should aspire to contest assembly elections after being rewarded with a berth in the Union cabinet, the latter's brother-in-law and Jamui MP Arun Bharti said on Sunday. "You are a union minister, a young politician with a bright and long political career ahead. So, why contest assembly elections now?" Bharti quoted the CM as saying during a meeting with Chirag in Siwan ahead of PM Narendra Modi's June 20 rally there. Nitish, whose JDU could be wary of Chirag's party complicating NDA's seat-sharing arrangement for elections to the 243-strong assembly, also enquired about the constituency Chirag was interested in, Bharti said. The Union minister for food processing industries has announced his party is preparing to contest all seats in Bihar, fuelling speculation about his chief ministerial ambitions. Bharti said Chirag told CM Nitish that he would "go by my party's decision in this regard and come to seek your blessings before contesting the polls". The MP said Chirag iterated his oft-quoted phrase, "Bihar is calling", while explaining his vision for the state. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Banilad: Scholarships You Can Apply For (Start Now) College Scholarship | Google Search Search Now Undo "He told the CM that like him, he too wants to be directly involved in state politics to take Bihar out of the RJD's 'jungle raj'." RJD's Tejashwi Prasad Yadav said Chirag "should speak openly that he wants to become CM instead of doing the 'Bihar is calling' drama". Bharti accused RJD of attempting to spread rumours of a rift in NDA as it fears the governing alliance could reduce the opposition to fewer seats than it got in the 2020 assembly polls. "LJP (RV) is set to host around two lakh people at Rajgir in CM Nitish's home district of Nalanda, with his blessings, at the 'Bahujan Bhim Sankalp Samagam' on June 29," he said.
