
OnePlus 13T vs OnePlus 13: What's new with OnePlus' compact flagship? Check full comparison
OnePlus has capitalised on the recent trend for smaller form factor smartphones with the launch of the OnePlus 13T in China on Thursday. The new smartphone sits awkwardly in the Chinese smartphone maker's line-up, somewhere between the flagship OnePlus 13 and the more affordable OnePlus 13R. There is a lot of buzz around the phone, with some even suggesting that it rekindles the flagship killer spirit of the original OnePlus. Here's a detailed look at the OnePlus 13T compared to the OnePlus 13.
OnePlus 13 features a 6.82-inch 120Hz ProXDR LTPO 4.1 AMOLED display with 4,500 nits of peak brightness (1,600 nits in high brightness mode). Moving away from the curved display of its predecessor, the OnePlus 13 features a quad-curved display with Ceramic Glass protection on top.
The new OnePlus flagship is powered by the Qualcomm Snapdragon 8 Elite processor with support for 12/16/24GB of LPDDR5X RAM and 256GB/512GB/1TB of UFS 4.0 storage.
The OnePlus 13 packs a massive 6,000mAh battery with support for 100W wired fast charging and 50W wireless charging. OnePlus is launching new magnetic cases for the OnePlus 13 and a compatible AIRVOOC magnetic charger for iPhone-like MagSafe charging.
OnePlus 13 features a triple 50-megapixel camera setup with Hasselblad branding, including a Sony LYT-808 primary shooter, a Sony LYT 600 telephoto lens with 3x optical zoom and a Samsung ISOCELL JN5 sensor ultra-wide-angle shooter. While the primary and telephoto lenses support both OIS and EIS, the ultra-wide-angle lens only offers EIS. On the front, there is a 32MP Sony IMX615 shooter for selfies and video calls.
The OnePlus flagship comes with an ultra-sonic fingerprint sensor and also comes with IP68 and IP69 water and dust resistance ratings.
OnePlus 13 OnePlus 13T Display 6.82-inch 2K+ LTPO AMOLED display 6.32-inch 1.5K 8T LTPO AMOLED display Processor Snapdragon 8 Elite Snapdragon 8 Elite Rear camera 50MP + 50MP 3x telephoto + 50MP ultra-wide 50MP + 50MP 2x telephoto Front camera 32MP 16MP Battery 6,000mAh 6,260mAh Charging 100W wired + 50W wireless 80W wired IP rating IP68 + IP69 IP65 Weight 213g 185g Thickness 8.8mm 8.15mm Fingerprint In-display (ultrasonic) In-display (Optical)
OnePlus 13T features a 6.3 inch 1.5K 8T LTPO AMOLED dispaly with 120Hz refresh rate and 1600 nits of peak brightness. The smaller form factor means that the phone weighs just around 185 grams despite having a thickness of 8.15mm.
Unlike the OnePlus 13, the 13T comes with an optical fingerprint sensor and is only IP65 water and dust resistant, meaning it isn't technically water proof but will be able to sustain some splashes of water.
Akin to its elder sibling, the OnePlus 13T also comes with the Snapdragon 8 Elite processor with Adreno 830 GPU. It packs support for 12/16GB of LPDDR5x RAM and up to 1TB of UFS 4.0 storage.
The Chinese variant of the phone runs on ColorOS 15 based on Android 15 but the global model should continue to run on the OxygenOS 15.
As for optics, the phone comes with a dual camera setup with a 50MP Sony IMX906 primar shooter with OIS and a 50MP 2x telephoto lens which also comes with OIS support unlike the OnePlus 13R. On the front is a 16MP shooter that can record videos in up to 1080p 30fps.
The 13T outshines the OnePlus 13 in battery department coming in at 6,260 mAh setup but with a slower 80W wired fast charging.
First Published: 25 Apr 2025, 02:17 PM IST

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Time of India
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The spy next door: Decrypting China's Ministry of State Security, the world's largest and most secretive intelligence agency
In June 2020, India and China were engaged in a skirmish along their 3,488-km border. Just four months later, around 10 in the morning on October 12, power went off in Mumbai. It was a Monday, and the outage crippled India's city of dreams—millions were affected as mobile networks and public transport, including local trains, went down. The grid failure was resolved in a few hours, and an inquiry was ordered. The preliminary report pointed to a cyberattack, with experts laying the blame at the doors of China, which, many in cybersecurity circles concluded, had penetrated India's power grid to send a message after the June skirmishes. There were reasons for this attribution. China is among the few countries that can do it, having built significant muscle in cyber warfare, and much of it stems from investments in its principal intelligence agency, the Ministry of State Security ( MSS ). The what, you ask? From KGB to CIA. From ISI to MI6. From FSB to Mossad and R&AW. Intelligence agencies from around the world have always worried governments and offered fodder to writers of spy fiction. In this alphabet soup, the little-known MSS doesn't exactly conjure up images of secret agents in tuxedos gambling in the casinos of Monte Carlo. Yet, nestled away from the glare, China's MSS has become the largest intelligence agency in the world. Its headcount is pegged between 350,000 and 800,000 with operations in over 100 countries (even KGB at its peak only had about 300,000 operatives). Its annual budget, as per estimates, is more than $20 billion. Live Events On the back of such investments, MSS has upped its game over the last decade. The latest? A few weeks back, Americans alleged that two Chinese researchers were trying to smuggle a fungus into US, in what is being viewed as part of a strategy of using students to infiltrate the country. Despite its reported hand in multiple such ops, large and active footprints, fast growth and direct or indirect involvement in nearly every country's affairs, MSS has remained under a shroud. In a world in a geopolitical flux, a broader understanding of it is critical. PARTY, NOT THE NATION MSS MSS wasn't always this big or active. A big expansion started in 2012 when Xi Jinping took over the reins of the country, believing that intel and covert ops are critical cogs to keep the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in power. So, unlike most national spy organisations whose agenda mirror that of the nation, MSS is tasked with protecting CCP, as Sriparna Pathak, professor of China studies at the Jindal School of International Affairs, points out. Timothy R Heath, senior international and defence researcher at Rand Corporation, a global think tank, says, because of MSS's mandate, its ops mainly focus on regime security, suppression of challengers to CCP rule, espionage, influence operations and targeted missions against Chinese dissidents abroad. It is different from other agencies in many ways. It is the only agency looking at both domestic and external ops. It has a highly complex structure with multiple divisions and sections. It has invested massively in offensive cyber ops. When Chen Yixin was appointed as the minister of state security in 2022, he was tasked with pushing the boundaries further. After Covid-19 broke out, Chen, a Xi loyalist, was chosen to handle the fallout and 'manage' anti-China narratives across the world. True to his brief, Chen made MSS more diversified, lethal and mysterious. OPERATIONS IN INDIA Because of its mandate to target Chinese dissidents, the longest running aspect of MSS' ops in India is said to be the targeting of the Tibetan government-in-exile, led by the Dalai Lama, whom Beijing considers a political dissident. But MSS has widened its tentacles over the last few years. In February 2024, I-Soon, a Chinese contractor who works for government agencies, including MSS, had a data leak that gave clues regarding its operations in India. The leak revealed that China, through cyber ops, had collected 95.2 GB of immigration data from India, along with data indicating it might have been behind the 2018 hack of the Employees' Provident Fund Organisation. There were also indications that other entities, including Reliance and Air India, were attacked. As intelligence expert LieutenantColonel (retd) Pavithran Rajan says, the widening tentacles 'translate into aggressive cyber-espionage, targeting our critical infrastructure, from power grid to vaccine manufacturing'. In 2018, a Chinese national, Luo Sang aka Charlie Peng, was arrested in Delhi for money laundering and espionage. Reports suggest that he was in the country from 2014, having crossed over from Nepal, and had even attained an Aadhaar card while laundering money. 'On the human intelligence front, they run sophisticated networks,' says Rajan, adding that the Chinese strategy is to use every available lever —cyber, economic and human —to gain strategic advantage over India. 'They also engage with insurgent groups in the Northeast and coordinate with Pakistani intelligence organisations,' he adds. Its outreach is vast. In the neighbourhood, it has reportedly had a hand in overthrowing governments. As Lieutenant-General (retd) Deependra Singh Hooda, cofounder of Delhi-based Council for Strategic and Defense Research, says, a critical threat for India is the codification in Chinese law that all entities must work with MSS. Their National Intelligence Law says, 'All organisations and citizens shall support, assist and cooperate with national intelligence efforts in accordance with law, and shall protect national intelligence work secrets they are aware of.' This, says Hooda, makes for a significant national security threat for India, given the prominent presence of Chinese companies across sensitive sectors like power and telecom. THE STRUCTURE Countering MSS starts with understanding MSS. The structure of MSS is all about specialised tasks, with analysts estimating 12-20 bureaus within it. The biggest by manpower is the Bureau of Internal & Political Affairs, which keeps a close eye on the internal affairs of China and is responsible for the security of top CCP leaders. As part of monitoring its own people, it carries out extensive technical surveillance. Meanwhile, members of the Bureau for Foreign Intelligence Collection operate abroad in the guise of diplomats, journalists, tourists, academicians, students and businesspersons. There is also the Bureau of Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan working not only to spread communist ideology in these geographies, but also to monitor residents closely. The Bureau of Technical Support & Cyber Operations, which is probably one of the biggest bureaus of MSS, is tasked with cyber espionage and plants technical operatives in Chinese companies and embeds trojan horses in Chinese equipment. Today, its footprint is visible across the world. This is where top talents of China are recruited to carry out technical espionage using unindexed proxy servers and private networks, many of which are located on isolated islands in the Yalu River bordering North Korea. The Bureau of Counterintelligence keeps diplomats, agents and visitors under close watch. As part of its counterintelligence grid, they have a special team that carries out investigations into any intelligence breach. It has a WeChat account where anyone can report suspected intelligence breaches. Members of the Bureau of Economic Intelligence & Industrial Espionage work to steal intellectual property (IP). Xu Yanjun, a Chinese engineer, was arrested in Belgium in 2018 for stealing data related to turbine engines from General Electric and the French firm Safran. In the US, FBI is investigating more than 2,000 such cases, with nearly 85% believed to be attributable to MSS. China gathers a lot of data, domestic and international, and sends it to the Intelligence Analysis Bureau where AI systems analyse it. The smaller Internal Security & AntiCorruption Bureau monitors officials —their loyalty, actions that threaten internal security and corruption. The Bureau of Counter Terrorism carries out extensive surveillance on ethnic minorities like the Uyghurs and the Tibetans. The Bureau o f Recruitment and Training is based in Hangzhou. It conceals its identity as Jiangnan Social University, while its real purpose is believed to be to provide training and tools in tradecraft, counterintelligence, surveillance, foreign languages, cryptography, cyber ops and ideological loyalty. The Signal Intelligence Bureau houses the cipher division as well as monitors signal intelligence from across the globe. The China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations (CICIR) is seen as a front for influencing foreign diplomats, bureaucrats and academics. The China International Culture Exchange Centre (CICEC) works in a similar fashion to CICIR and in the shroud of a cultural organisation. Both CICIR and CICEC are important tools for recruitment of MSS agents. 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For the moment, what is clear is that the world is living through the era of the MSS.


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