Next-gen netas add flavour to old jaat-paat politics in battle for Bihar
Family Drama: The romance saga involving Lalu's older son Tej Pratap Yadav (right) has become a political issue. It has also created a rift with brother Tejashwi
The forthcoming 2025 Bihar assembly election promises to be interesting in many ways. First, it is shaping up to be an election dominated by youth—or, at least, by leaders who are being projected as 'youthful' by their parties. Leaders like
RJD
chief
Tejashwi Yadav
, Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) chief Chirag Paswan, Deputy CM Samrat Choudhary, election strategist-turned-politician Prashant Kishor, former Bihar CM Jitan Ram Manjhi's son Santosh Kumar Suman, and the UK-return Pushpam Priya Choudhary are actively holding public rallies and campaigning across Bihar's villages, towns, and bastis.
Although most of these leaders are aged between 35 and 55, many young voters in Bihar identify with them. They are seen as relatively fresh, energetic alternatives to older politicians, and not 'phunka hua teer' (a spent, ineffective arrow) or 'chala hua khokha' (an empty, fired shell of a bullet), colloquial jabs that youth often use to describe those past their political prime.
Still, this is less a break from the past than a rebranding of it. Except for Kishor, most of these contenders are inheritors of political legacies—sons and daughters stepping into dynastic shoes. There is also speculation that Nishant Kumar, the son of Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar, may contest because of concerns over his father's health. This generational churn reflects Bihar's demographic reality: according to Census data, 57% of its population is under 25—the highest proportion of young people in the country. That youth bulge is beginning to reshape the political conversation.
Second, adding a dramatic subplot to the political theatre is the ongoing family saga involving Tej Pratap Yadav, the elder son of Lalu Prasad Yadav. In a twist worthy of a prime-time soap opera, Tej Pratap recently declared his love for Anushka Yadav on social media, claiming a 12-year-long relationship—despite still being married to Aishwarya Rai, the granddaughter of former CM Daroga Prasad Rai. Though he later claimed his Facebook account was hacked and the photos doctored, Lalu responded by expelling his son from the RJD for six years, citing 'irresponsible behaviour' and actions 'not in accordance with our family values and traditions.'
This is no longer just a private family 'affair'—it has entered the political sphere and is likely to influence the election discourse. The controversy has triggered heated inter-generational debates across Bihar, especially between youth and parents in rural and urban areas. Some critics seized the opportunity to question the moral character and family values of RJD, framing the situation as an injustice against Tej Pratap's estranged wife Aishwarya Rai.
While many RJD leaders have been on the defensive, some have pointed to similar precedents—such as Ram Vilas Paswan's second marriage — to argue for personal freedom. Among young voters, opinion is split. Some, especially those under-25 voters, seem to sympathise with Tej Pratap and feel Lalu was unnecessarily harsh on his son. Others, particularly in rural Bihar, are uncomfortable with the spectacle and the social media melodrama, especially given the unresolved allegations of domestic abuse from his marriage to Aishwarya.
Beyond the controversy, this younger (or young-adjacent) generation of politicians does appear to have injected new energy into the campaign. Their social media battles are flashier, complete with rap tracks and viral videos. More significantly, they are foregrounding issues such as employment, education, youth welfare, public health, and development. Tejashwi Yadav—who focused on unemployment and migration in the 2020 campaign—has promised a 100% domicile policy and job opportunities for locals if voted to power. Prashant Kishor, too, has laid out a vision aimed at reversing Bihar's migration crisis and boosting employment.
This shift signals a possible transformation in Bihar's political culture—one that may be inching away from traditional identity politics toward more development-centric narratives. Still, it would be naïve to assume that jaat-paat no longer matters; parties know full well how caste arithmetic can make or break electoral fortunes. No surprise then that, besides nationalism, the NDA is expected to counter the Mahagathbandan's narrative by focusing on its own initiative to include caste data in the upcoming national Census.
In a state as politically fragmented as Bihar, it's tough to tell which of these leaders or coalitions will get the upper hand. But what's clear is that the voices and aspirations of young Biharis will dominate the discourse—by sheer demographic force, if nothing else. And in the background, the saga of Tej Pratap Yadav will likely continue to echo through the campaign— reminiscent of the age-old tota-maina stories with love, loyalty and betrayal.
Narayan is director, G B Pant Social Science Institute
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They are seen as relatively fresh, energetic alternatives to older politicians, and not 'phunka hua teer' (a spent, ineffective arrow) or 'chala hua khokha' (an empty, fired shell of a bullet), colloquial jabs that youth often use to describe those past their political prime. Still, this is less a break from the past than a rebranding of it. Except for Kishor, most of these contenders are inheritors of political legacies—sons and daughters stepping into dynastic shoes. There is also speculation that Nishant Kumar, the son of Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar, may contest because of concerns over his father's health. This generational churn reflects Bihar's demographic reality: according to Census data, 57% of its population is under 25—the highest proportion of young people in the country. That youth bulge is beginning to reshape the political conversation. 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Some critics seized the opportunity to question the moral character and family values of RJD, framing the situation as an injustice against Tej Pratap's estranged wife Aishwarya Rai. While many RJD leaders have been on the defensive, some have pointed to similar precedents—such as Ram Vilas Paswan's second marriage — to argue for personal freedom. Among young voters, opinion is split. Some, especially those under-25 voters, seem to sympathise with Tej Pratap and feel Lalu was unnecessarily harsh on his son. Others, particularly in rural Bihar, are uncomfortable with the spectacle and the social media melodrama, especially given the unresolved allegations of domestic abuse from his marriage to Aishwarya. Beyond the controversy, this younger (or young-adjacent) generation of politicians does appear to have injected new energy into the campaign. Their social media battles are flashier, complete with rap tracks and viral videos. More significantly, they are foregrounding issues such as employment, education, youth welfare, public health, and development. Tejashwi Yadav—who focused on unemployment and migration in the 2020 campaign—has promised a 100% domicile policy and job opportunities for locals if voted to power. Prashant Kishor, too, has laid out a vision aimed at reversing Bihar's migration crisis and boosting employment. This shift signals a possible transformation in Bihar's political culture—one that may be inching away from traditional identity politics toward more development-centric narratives. Still, it would be naïve to assume that jaat-paat no longer matters; parties know full well how caste arithmetic can make or break electoral fortunes. No surprise then that, besides nationalism, the NDA is expected to counter the Mahagathbandan's narrative by focusing on its own initiative to include caste data in the upcoming national Census. 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