Former NDP leader Jagmeet Singh apologizes for attending Kendrick Lamar show
TORONTO — Jagmeet Singh is saying sorry for attending one of Kendrick Lamar's Toronto concerts last week.
The former NDP leader issued an apology on Sunday after being called out by Drake, who branded him a "goof" for being seen at the Rogers Centre supporting his rap nemesis amid their ongoing feud.
Singh's statement said he went to see "SZA not Kendrick," referring to the Los Angeles rapper's tourmate.
Drake and Lamar have been embroiled in a rap beef that exploded last summer with a series of diss tracks, including Lamar's No. 1 hit single "Not Like Us."
Photos posted on social media showed Singh in what appeared to be floor seats at the stadium concert.
It was unclear which of the show's two nights he attended. The rapper trades off mini-sets with SZA for the duration of the three-hour concert, performing numerous Drake diss tracks he released last year.
Drake is suing Universal Music Group for defamation for publishing and promoting Lamar's "Not Like Us."
In legal documents, the rapper born Aubrey Graham, said the song's lyrics wrongly accuse him of being a pedophile, jeopardizing his safety and damaging his reputation.
Universal calls Drake's suit a baseless "attack on the commercial and creative success of the rap artist who defeated him.'
Earlier Sunday, Drake posted a screenshot on his Instagram Stories showing that he direct-messaged Singh and called him out for attending Lamar's show.
Several hours later, Singh published his apology on Instagram.
'I was born in this city. I love this city. But real talk, I get it. I shouldn't have gone at all," he said.
"OVO and Drake have lifted this city and (Canada). For me it'll always be Drake over Kendrick."
Singh stepped down as the federal NDP leader in April after a resounding defeat on election night where he lost his own riding.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published June 16, 2025.
David Friend, The Canadian Press
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
New York Times
13 minutes ago
- New York Times
Andrew Schulz, ‘Podcast Bro,' Might Be America's Foremost Political Journalist
The comedian Andrew Schulz has risen to arena-headliner status on the strength of his irreverent, defiantly anti-woke standup. His material is a high-energy blend of gleeful raunch and precise observation, all peppered with ethnic jokes, slurs and smack talk. (Which, as much as such a thing is possible, generally comes across as good-hearted or, at least, not meanspirited.) But provocation is not the only trick in his bag. In Schulz's most recent special, 'Life,' which came out on Netflix this year, the 41-year-old moved into more vulnerable and narratively driven territory. It's about his and his wife's experience with I.V.F. (told in highly un-family-friendly language). Despite all his success with standup, Schulz has perhaps become even better known for his podcasting. His shows 'Flagrant,' co-hosted by Akaash Singh, and 'Brilliant Idiots,' co-hosted by Charlamagne tha God, are appointment listening for millions, not just for humor but for political discussion too. That relatively newfound breadth and Schulz's ready embrace of disparate subject matter — from politics to sports to theology to culture writ large — has led to him becoming a star of the so-called online manosphere. Although that term, or 'podcast bro,' or any other potentially reductive label one might apply, would most likely frustrate the entertainingly pugnacious Schulz. But whatever you want to call him or his corner of the online world, it's influential. Donald Trump went on 'Flagrant' last fall ahead of the presidential election, and progressive politicians like Bernie Sanders and Pete Buttigieg have been guests on the show this year. For me, that raised questions about what Schulz's bigger goals are, and what responsibilities might come with his growing influence. Subscribe: Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube | Amazon | iHeart | NYT Audio App In the last four or five years, you've really blown up. What has shifted in the culture to enable you to come to prominence? When I started posting stuff on the internet, specifically standup, things changed for me. I was trying to get an HBO special or, back in the day, Netflix is just coming to prominence, or Comedy Central. I was trying to get anything, and I couldn't get any motion with standup. So out of desperation, I filmed my own special, pitched it to everybody, nobody wanted it, and I was like, I'm going to put this online. At the time there was a sensitivity, especially in corporate America, about edginess and jokes. So my gamble was maybe if I put this out on YouTube, there will be an audience that likes this type of comedy. I put it out, and a weird thing happened: Everybody only watched 20 minutes. So I put out a 20-minute version of it, and the next weekend, I sold out a comedy club. The next weekend I sold out another one. I was like, Whoa, there's really something over here on the internet, and I can be my authentic self with comedy despite what the cultural sensitivity of the time is. You obviously have clear ideas about what works with audiences. Does that create a temptation to pander? If you actually are trying to create something authentic, you're going to make less money, but you maintain your integrity. Oftentimes what happens is you'll have an opinion that's maybe a little different, and you'll be rebuked for that opinion for years, and then people will start to come around. Then the same people that rebuked you will start echoing those sentiments with no accountability. We had Bernie on the pod, who I love. Want all of The Times? Subscribe.
Yahoo
28 minutes ago
- Yahoo
I'm exhausted by attempts to pretend discrimination doesn't exist in America
You know what I'm tired of? The MAGA movement twisting and co-opting language used to help Americans cope with racism and turning it back on them. The latest example is "Black fatigue." In 2020, author Mary-Frances Winters defined the term in her book of the same name, describing it as a form of psychological and emotional exhaustion from persistent racism and microaggressions. This fatigue can impact one's mental and spiritual well-being, and if left unaddressed, it could also affect physical health and shorten life expectancy. Today, the term has been co-opted by the right – and even people unwittingly using it against themselves. For instance, when five girls attack a woman at the opening night of the Milwaukee Night Market, it is labeled "Black fatigue." When some boys drive recklessly in a stolen car, it is also called "Black fatigue." When a 39-year-old man is arrested in the shooting of a Milwaukee police officer, you guessed it. I reached out to Winters, 74, who said she was not surprised to learn the MAGA crowd had co-opted the term. However, she is disheartened that some are using it against their fellow African Americans. Opinion: I remember my first Juneteenth. It's more than a Black holiday. While it's understandable for people to feel frustrated and speak out when they witness something bad happen, it's important to recognize that no single group has a monopoly on bad behavior. The bigger question is why do Black people often find themselves under greater scrutiny? I believe we know the answer to that. This disparity is precisely why Winters coined the term in the first place, capturing the struggles faced by the Black community in a world that is quick to pass judgment. Ironically, the movement co-opting the term is the one inflicting the pain by pretending bigotry doesn't exist by President Donald Trump's attempt to erase diversity, equity and inclusion programs. Opinion: Trump worries more about South Africa's nonexistent genocide than real US racism When Winters' book was released, America was grappling with a global pandemic and confronting systemic racism after the death of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin, who sparked nationwide protests. When she was writing the book, many expressed to Winters, the founder and CEO of The Winters Group, Inc., a 40-year-old global organization development and DEI consulting firm, that they felt exhausted by microaggressions, conveying a sense of pressure to excel at work but thought they were only making minimal progress. Think of it as constantly walking on a new carpet. Over time, you don't realize how the fibers are worn down until you compare before-and-after pictures and see how your repeated steps have diminished the carpet's beauty. That's what racism does. Since Trump took office again, Winters noted that real Black fatigue has intensified due to his rhetoric and policies, which have escalated racial tensions and eroded civil rights protections, further compounding a long history of unacknowledged, unaddressed racism and discrimination. 'He's hurting people. Just think about all the government jobs that have been eliminated," Winters said. "A lot of those employees were Black men and women who now must figure out what they want to do." There are dozens of videos online featuring people discussing the co-opted concept of Black fatigue, and to be honest, it makes me angry. It's not surprising, though, as there are even more videos and websites seemingly dedicated to showcasing the worst behaviors. Sites like and 'Ghetto Fights' often highlight instances of fighting, or just being unkind to each other. Given that our country is so hypersegregated, it's no wonder that people watch these clips and conclude this is representative. And the thing that is so tiring is how the term has been twisted so silently. Opinion alerts: Get columns from your favorite columnists + expert analysis on top issues, delivered straight to your device through the USA TODAY app. Don't have the app? Download it for free from your app store. Dynasty Ceasar, a local community activist who has studied race and racism, was unaware that the definition had changed. She described the issue as 'complex and sensitive,' making it difficult to grasp. 'We need to be mindful of the impact of such statements and avoid language that reinforces negative stereotypes or internalizes racism,' Ceasar said. It's important to clarify that I'm not suggesting that Black people should avoid accountability for their negative actions. What I mean is that everyone, regardless of their race, should be held accountable for their actions but should not be subjected to a different standard than anyone else. When I spoke to Winters, I had to be entirely transparent and shared with her that I had inadvertently fallen into the trap. I shared an incident I witnessed while shopping at Plato's Closet, a resale shop in Greenfield. I was about to buy some shoes when I noticed an elderly White woman with her grandson. She was purchasing a pair of sunglasses for him, and I let them skip ahead of me in line because her grandson was very antsy. While we were waiting, a Black woman was selling some shoes and seemed unhappy with what was being offered to her. When the cashier called for the next customer, the older woman accidentally bumped into her, which sparked a verbal altercation. The Black woman began cursing, expressing her frustration about people who bump into her without saying "excuse me." Although the older woman apologized, it only seemed to escalate the situation, as the woman continued to curse and insult her. After both women left the store, several employees asked what had just happened, and I felt compelled to explain the situation. After the incident, I called my cousin and mentioned that I had experienced "Black fatigue" because I felt that the woman's behavior was out of line. My cousin told me that I was misusing the term. Winters and Ceasar both agreed that racism is rarely the result of a single action; it is much more complex than that. While they did not condone the actions of the woman for shouting, Ceasar acknowledged that her outburst might have stemmed from the many times she had been ignored, overlooked as if she did not exist, or made to feel devalued. If Black fatigue can negatively impact on a person's mind, body and spirit, it can also lead to diminished emotional well-being, sometimes manifesting as outbursts to seek acknowledgment. If you find yourself using the term to express disappointment about something bad happening in the world, take a moment to consider how you express that. If your feelings are not specifically related to race, then your fatigue may not be about racial issues at all. It might be about human nature. However, if you believe that only Black people are capable of negative actions and continue to use the term in that context, it might be necessary to reflect on your own biases. That's what I'm tired of. James E. Causey is an Ideas Lab reporter at the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, where this column originally appeared. Reach him at jcausey@jrnhttps:// or follow him on X: @jecausey You can read diverse opinions from our USA TODAY columnists and other writers on the Opinion front page, on X, formerly Twitter, @usatodayopinion and in our Opinion newsletter. This article originally appeared on Milwaukee Journal Sentinel: Trump, MAGA pretend Black fatigue is something it's not | Opinion
CNN
29 minutes ago
- CNN
‘Always a peacemaker': How Trump decided to hold off on striking Iran
By most accounts, President Donald Trump's attention for the past week has been consumed by the spiraling crisis playing out between Israel and Iran. In between meetings in Canada on Monday, he peppered aides for constant updates. He has spent more time in the basement Situation Room this week than at any point so far in his new presidency. So it was somewhat jarring Wednesday when the president emerged from the South Portico — not to provide an update on his crisis consultations, but to oversee the installation of two nearly 100-foot flagpoles. 'These are the best poles anywhere in the country, or in the world, actually. They're tapered. They have the nice top,' the president told a clutch of reporters and workmen. 'It's a very exciting project to me.' The break from his Iran meetings lasted about an hour, a moment for the president to literally touch grass on the South Lawn amid the most consequential period of decision-making of his term so far. A day later, the president decided not to decide. He dictated a statement to his press secretary Karoline Leavitt announcing he would hold off ordering a strike on Iran for up to two weeks to see if a diplomatic resolution was possible. The decision was revealed after another meeting in the Situation Room, where the president has spent much of this week reviewing attack plans and quizzing officials about the potential consequences of each. After steadily ratcheting up his martial rhetoric – including issuing an urgent warning to evacuate the 10 million residents of Iran's capital – Trump's deferment provides the president some breathing room as he continues to work through options presented by his military officials over the past several days. It also allows more time for the divergent factions of his own party to make their case directly to the president for and against a strike, as they have been urgently doing since it became clear Trump was seriously considering dropping bombs on Iran's nuclear facilities. The president has refused to pick a side in public and spent the last week alternating between militaristic threats issued on social media and private concerns that a military strike he orders could drag the US into prolonged war. Around the Situation Room table, he has relied principally on his CIA Director John Ratcliffe and Joint Chiefs Chairman Gen. Dan Caine to discuss his options, according to people familiar with the matter. His foreign envoy Steve Witkoff has been corresponding with Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi to determine if room exists to restart the diplomacy that had been deadlocked before Israel began its campaign last week. Other officials have been publicly sidelined. Twice this week, Trump has dismissed assessments previously offered by his Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard about the state of Iran's program to develop a nuclear weapon. Gabbard testified in March that the US intelligence community had assessed Iran was not building such a weapon; Trump flatly and publicly disputed that Friday. 'Well then, my intelligence community is wrong,' Trump told reporters in New Jersey, asking the reporter who in the intelligence community had said that. Told that it was Gabbard, Trump responded, 'She's wrong.' Yet as he weighs taking action that could have consequences for years to come, Trump appears to be relying mostly on his own instincts, which this week told him to hit pause on ordering a strike that could alter global geopolitics for years to come. When top national security officials told Trump during a meeting at Camp David earlier this month that Israel was prepared to imminently strike inside Iran, it wasn't necessarily a surprise. Trump's advisers had been preparing for months for the possibility Israel could seize upon a moment of Iranian weakness — its regional proxies have been decimated over the past year — to launch a direct assault. Trump's team arrived at Camp David having already drawn up options for potential US involvement. According to people familiar with the matter, his advisers resolved differences between themselves in advance before presenting possible plans to the president. From the mountainside presidential retreat, Trump also spoke to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who told the president he intended to begin a campaign in Iran imminently. Ten days later, with the Israeli campaign now in full swing, Trump was meeting in Canada with top American allies from the Group of 7, who hoped to decipher from him what the American plan was going forward. In closed-door meetings, leaders from Europe tried to ascertain whether Trump was inclined to order up a US strike on Fordow, the underground nuclear facility that has been the focus of attention for American war planners, western officials said. They also tried to convince a begrudging Trump to sign on to a joint statement, which urged that 'the resolution of the Iranian crisis leads to a broader de-escalation of hostilities in the Middle East.' Trump did not reveal his hand, either in private sessions with individual leaders or over dinner at the Kananaskis Country Golf Course, the western officials said. Instead, he left the summit early, leaving his counterparts in the Canadian Rockies and returning to Washington to deal with the matter himself. By midweek, with only vague signs from Iran that it was willing to restart talks, Trump's patience appeared to wearing thin for finding a diplomatic solution. And many of his allies believed he was on the verge of ordering a strike on Iran. 'It's very late, you know?' he said at Wednesday's flagpole event, the heat causing his forehead to glisten. 'It's very late to be talking.' In private meetings that day, Trump appeared convinced of the necessity of taking out the Fordow facility, according to people familiar with the conversations. And he said in public only the United States has the firepower to do it. 'We are the only ones who have the capability to do it, but that doesn't mean I am going to do it,' Trump said after coming back inside from his flag raising. 'I have been asked about it by everybody but I haven't made a decision.' He was speaking from the Oval Office, where he'd gathered players from the Italian soccer club Juventus to stand behind him. They mostly acted as a fidgeting backdrop to Trump's question-and-answer session on his Iran decision-making. At one point, Trump turned to the players amid a discussion of the B-2 stealth bomber — the only jet that could carry a bunker-busting bomb to destroy Iran's underground enrichment facility. 'You can be stealthy — you'll never lose, right?' he asked the team members, none of whom responded. 'It was a bit weird. When he started talking about the politics with Iran and everything, it's kind of, like… I just want to play football, man,' one of the players, Timothy Weah, said afterward. Amid the string of events, Trump continued to weigh the choices in front of him, and remained worried about a longer-term war. And he continued to receive messages from all sides of his political coalition, which has been divided over the wisdom of launching a strike that could embroil the US in a war for years to come. He's taken repeated calls from GOP Sen. Lindsey Graham, a prominent voice in support of striking Iran who described the president as 'very focused, very calm' after a Tuesday night phone call. 'I feel like when he says no nukes for Iran, he means it,' Graham said the next day. 'He gave them a chance for diplomacy. I think they made a miscalculation when it comes to President Trump.' One of the most prominent voices opposing a strike, his onetime top strategist Steve Bannon, was at the White House midday Thursday for a lunch with the president that had been rescheduled from several weeks ago. He revealed nothing of his conversation with Trump on his 'War Room' show later Thursday. But a day earlier, he told a roundtable that getting involved in a drawn-out conflict with Iran would amount to repeating a historic mistake. 'My mantra right now: The Israelis have to finish what they started,' he said at a Christian Science Monitor breakfast. 'We can't do this again. We'll tear the country apart. We can't have another Iraq.' For Trump, the swirl of options, opinions and advice is nothing new. He has faced the Iran decision much as he has most every other major choice of his presidency, by soliciting advice and trying to arrive at a solution that will please the widest swath of his supporters. The answer this time may not be as simple, nor does Trump hold all the cards in a conflict that is playing out across the world. Israel's decision to launch strikes a week ago — while not a surprise to the president — still came against his public entreaties to hold off. And in Iran, he is confronting an adversary with a long history of hardening its positions under pressure from the United States. As he was arriving Friday at his home in New Jersey, Trump said it would be hard to ask Netanyahu to ease up on strikes on Iran in order to pursue diplomacy, given Israel's success in the conflict so far. And he said the two-week window he set a day earlier was the maximum period of time he would allow for diplomacy to work, reserving the option of ordering a strike before that time is up. The president couldn't say whether the decision now in front of him is the biggest he'd face as president. But as he tries to find the balance between ending Iran's nuclear ambitions and keeping the US from war, he did offer an evaluation of what he wanted his legacy to be on the other side. 'Always a peacemaker,' he said. 'That doesn't mean — sometimes, you need some toughness to make peace. But always a peacemaker.'
