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Utah Pride Parade tries to present welcoming message

Utah Pride Parade tries to present welcoming message

Yahoo09-06-2025

A large roar erupted from a crowd gathered along 100 South when members of an LGBTQ motorcycle club revved their engines, signaling the start of the 35th annual Utah Pride Parade.
That enthusiasm carried for blocks Sunday as tens of thousands of spectators waved Pride flags and all sorts of rainbow-colored items toward the more than 100 organizations and businesses that made their way through the downtown Salt Lake City route.
Some came with signs reading messages like 'Love First,' 'Everyone is welcome' and 'My existence is not political.' Many who came said they wanted to show their support during another complex time for the LGBTQ community.
'I think a lot of political things have happened recently, and I think more than ever it's important to support Pride,' said Autumn Krogh, who traveled from South Jordan to attend the downtown event with her 3-year-old pet pig, Cuzzie, which was wearing a rainbow-colored hat and bandana.
Sunday's parade followed a series of other events this weekend, including a march to the state Capitol and an interfaith worship service. That's on top of a two-day festival that brought together members of the LGBTQ community and allies alike.
While these types of events have taken place for decades, this year's events may have appeared to be more poignant. Some say new state and federal policies and decisions, such as this year's HB77, have left many in the community feeling targeted.
HB77 became law last month, prohibiting governments and schools from flying Pride flags and other flags deemed political. Rep. Trevor Lee, R-Layton, the bill's sponsor, said the move was meant to maintain political neutrality in public spaces.
'What we're trying to do here is make sure that we have neutrality as it pertains to politics,' he explained as the bill was going through the legislative process earlier this year.
Lee made headlines again last week after he said he would seek 'significant legislation' against 'woke groups' after the Utah Mammoth and Utah Jazz posted messages recognizing Pride month on the social platform X.
Those comments didn't stop the Jazz and Mammoth from having a spot in Sunday's parade.
Members of the Salt Lake City Council, a majority of whom identify as queer, were also among the groups that paraded down the street along with other city employees. Many waved the city's new 'Sego Belonging' flags, a Progress Pride flag with the city's sego lily logo on top that the city adopted as a new city flag last month, along with the other designs, to bypass the new state law.
This year's parade is 'more important now than ever' because of the current political climate, said Elliott Ramirez, a member of Utah Pride Guard, which participated in the event. Natalie Wolff, who attended the parade, agrees.
'We need to be here and show, support and love, and not be scared to use our voices to make sure there are not going to be laws that are going to take away rights that they've all fought so hard for — that we've all fought so hard for,' she said.
Seeing the large outpouring of support Sunday was 'magical' and helped reinforce why Salt Lake City has taken steps to support the LGBTQ community, added Salt Lake City Council Vice Chairman Alejandro Puy, who rode down the route with a Sego Belonging flag attached to the back of his new motorcycle.
Puy added that he wished more state politicians would come to events like Sunday's parade to see what the events are like.
'There's a lot of discourse about what this means. Is it political? Is this to separate? Is this to discriminate? No. Nobody is discriminating here. Everyone is welcome,' he said. 'This is about everybody. This is about celebrating our differences.'
Contributing: Andrew Adams

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'I sometimes wonder how many of these homosexuals have….been in sensitive positions and subject to blackmail,' he asked, asserting that "the Russians are strong believers in homosexuality, and that those same people are able to get into the State Department and get somebody in their embrace.' Miller argued that Russian agents could seduce gay and lesbian federal workers in order to blackmail them, exploiting their fear of being outed to force them to betray the United States. 'These people are dangerous. They will go to any limit," summarized Miller. "They are not to be trusted and when blackmail threatens they are a dangerous group.' Officials across the government and journalists repeated the suggestion that Soviet agents could threaten to out, or blackmail, gay and lesbian government workers if they refused to collaborate. Yet, no evidence ever surfaced that any gay or lesbian government worker had betrayed the U.S. under duress. Nonetheless, in 1953, President Dwight D. Eisenhower signed Executive Order 10450, declaring 'sexual perversion,' a euphemism for homosexuality, a national security risk. The order authorized invasive investigations, surveillance, and dismissals across federal agencies and the military. By the end of the decade, an estimated 7,000 to 10,000 individuals accused of being homosexual had been fired or forced to resign, often ruining the lives of dedicated civil servants. But the Lavender Scare spread far beyond the federal government. With discrimination being not only encouraged but legal, businesses increasingly refused to hire queer people, stripping them of dignity and opportunity without any legal recourse. Municipal governments and postal authorities cracked down on queer literature. Newspapers, magazines, and tabloids often tied homosexuality to criminality and even equated queer people to pedophiles and murderers. Some newspapers even published the names and addresses of those arrested for consensual same-sex acts, leading to job loss, public shaming, and, in some tragic cases, suicide. Read More: The Miami Museum Showcasing LGBTQ Histories The anti-LGBTQ campaign also reshaped the cultural norms of minority communities. Many working-class Black neighborhoods before the 1950s had a culture of queer acceptance. Harlem's drag ball culture, for example, thrived from the 1920s through the early 1950s. Transgender people, drag queens, and drag kings participated openly in public life. Black newspapers and magazines promoted drag balls as community events in Harlem and other places such as Chicago, Washington D.C., and Baltimore. As the Civil Rights Movement gained momentum, however, many Black leaders embraced white, middle-class norms—including heteronormativity—as a strategy for advancing desegregation and civil rights for the larger Black community. Bayard Rustin, an openly gay Civil Rights leader and the organizer of the 1963 March on Washington, was often sidelined from playing a more prominent role in the Civil Rights Movement because of his sexuality, despite his political talents. Even Martin Luther King, Jr., while hiring Rustin as a close advisor and collaborator, began to publicly distance himself from queer people because, as Rustin observed, it became 'a problem for the movement.' Rustin noted King's other advisors 'felt I was a burden.' To insulate King from critique, Rustin chose to resign from the Southern Christian Leadership Conference although he remained a close collaborator of MLK. The influence of the Lavender Scare on Black leaders' public perception of queer people is evident in an advice column King wrote for Ebony. In 1958, an advice seeker reached out the magazine, writing: 'I am a boy, but I feel about boys the way I ought to feel about girls….Is there any place where I can go for help?' With generally sympathetic words, at least for a national leader during the Lavender Scare era, King responded, 'Your problem is not at all an uncommon one….The type of feeling that you have toward boys is probably not an innate tendency, but something that has been culturally acquired.' King went on, 'I would suggest that you see a good psychiatrist who can assist you.' He assured the writer, 'You are already on the right road toward a solution, since you honestly recognize the problem and have a desire to solve it.' By the mid-1950s, publications like Ebony, as evident with King's advice column, shifted from covering and celebrating Black queer culture to emphasizing Black nuclear families, military service, and economic mobility. During the late 1960s the narratives surrounding the Lavender Scare began to unravel under queer liberation movements. Black and Latino activists played a central role in increasing the visibility of LGBTQ communities, bolstered by advocacy from organizations like the Civil Liberties Union. In 1973, the Supreme Court ruled that homosexuality could not justify terminating federal employment. Two years later, in 1975, the Senate disbanded its investigative committee targeting LGBTQ federal workers. While LGBTQ rights saw little advancement during the Reagan and George H.W. Bush administrations, this changed in 1994 when President Bill Clinton Administration's 'Don't Ask, Don't Tell' policy ended the outright ban on LGBTQ military service, even if enforcing silence. The next year, Clinton issued an executive order ending the Lavender Scare-era practice of denying security clearances based on sexual orientation. By 2011, queer people were allowed to openly serve in the military. Finally, in 2017, President Barack Obama entirely nullified Eisenhower's 1953 Executive Order 10450 with his own executive order during his last days in office. The Lavender Scare devastated the lives of queer people and for decades redefined American ideas of citizenship and belonging along narrower parameters. Today's political efforts to purge queer people and curtail their rights are not new—they are part of a longer history of exclusion and marginalization. Understanding that history is essential to confronting the present. Joel Zapata is an Assistant Professor of History and Cairns K. Smith Faculty Scholar at Oregon State University. Made by History takes readers beyond the headlines with articles written and edited by professional historians. Learn more about Made by History at TIME here. Opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of TIME editors.

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