India After Caste Census Will Face Many Questions: What Congress Is Likely To Push For Next

In the Congress' scheme of things, the caste census should be taken to a logical end by removing 50 percent ceiling on jobs and education quota, setting up of a separate backward classes ministry, job reservation in the private sector, and proportional representation – 'Jiski jitni sankhya bhaari, uski utni hissedari' at all levels of political, social, professional hierarchies.
The idea of forcing a caste census was crystallised in the 'Delhi Declaration' adopted at a National OBC Conclave held at the Talkatora Stadium in New Delhi on December 21, 2021. This conclave was organised by the Samruddha Bharat Foundation, a trust sympathetic to the Congress ideology and programmes. Speakers from six parties and across sectors spoke at the event. These included Sharad Yadav (former union minister, since deceased), Lalu Prasad Yadav (RJD president), Chhagan Bhujbal (now with NCP-Ajit Pawar), D Raja (CPI General Secretary), TKS Elangovan (DMK MP), Prof Manoj Jha (RJD MP), Shyam S Yadav (BSP MP), Capt Ajay Yadav (former Haryana minister), Rajesh Lilothia (former MLA), Manikrao Thakre (former Mumbai Congress unit president), Madhu Yakshi Goud (former MP), Rev. Sunil Sardar (President, Satyashodhak Samaj), Prof Dilip Mandal (former Managing Editor, Outlook Hindi, now a BJP supporter), Dr Arvind Kumar (Assistant Professor, Jamia Millia Islamia), Dr Laxman Yadav (Assistant Professor, Zakir Hussain College), Prof Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd (Director, Centre for Studies of Social Exclusion, Maulana Azad National Urdu University) and Pushparaj Deshpande (Director, Samruddha Bharat Foundation).

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Time of India

36 minutes ago

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Israel-Iran war: Congress slams Donald Trump for US strikes; urges Centre to show 'moral courage', break silence on 'Gaza genocide'

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First Post

36 minutes ago

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Was Donald Trump's decision to bomb Iran unconstitutional?

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But we complied with the notification requirements of the War Powers Act,' Hegseth said. That admission did little to ease tensions among lawmakers who viewed the operation as constitutionally questionable. How have lawmakers objected to Trump's move? Some of the most vocal objections came from members of Trump's own party. US Representative Thomas Massie of Kentucky, a Republican known for his strict constitutionalist views, responded to the strikes by stating bluntly, 'This is not Constitutional.' Days earlier, Massie co-authored a resolution with Democratic Representative Ro Khanna of California aimed at preventing unauthorised military action against Iran. Representative Warren Davidson of Ohio, another Republican typically aligned with Trump, added: 'While President Trump's decision may prove just, it's hard to conceive a rationale that's Constitutional.' Both Davidson and Massie put a spotlight on the requirement for congressional authorisation before initiating military hostilities against a foreign nation. On the Democratic side, US Senator Tim Kaine of Virginia reiterated his longstanding commitment to reclaiming Congress's war powers. 'We're going to have the briefing this week. We'll have a vote,' he said on Fox News Sunday. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD 'I know many Republicans will fall in line and say a president can do whatever he wants. But I hope members of the Senate and the House will take their Article I responsibilities seriously.' Kaine's resolution — privileged under Senate rules — can be fast-tracked to the floor and requires only a simple majority to pass. Other lawmakers have suggested the president's actions may warrant impeachment. US Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York posted on social media: 'The President's disastrous decision to bomb Iran without authorisation is a grave violation of the Constitution and Congressional War Powers. He has impulsively risked launching a war that may ensnare us for generations.' US Representative Sean Casten of Illinois made similar arguments: 'No president has the authority to bomb another country that does not pose an imminent threat to the US without the approval of Congress. This is an unambiguous impeachable offense.' Casten called on Speaker Mike Johnson to protect Congress's constitutional responsibilities: 'Grow a spine.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD US Senator Bernie Sanders, speaking during a campaign event in Tulsa, called the strikes 'grossly unconstitutional' and stated, 'The only entity that can take this country to war is the US Congress. The president does not have the right.' House Minority Whip Katherine Clark stated that the power to declare war 'resides solely with Congress,' calling Trump's actions 'unauthorised and unconstitutional.' House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries expressed concern that Trump 'failed to seek congressional authorisation' and warned that the move could entangle the US in a potentially 'disastrous war.' Despite the criticism, Trump also received support from some lawmakers on both sides of the aisle. US Speaker Mike Johnson said, 'The President fully respects the Article I power of Congress, and tonight's necessary, limited, and targeted strike follows the history and tradition of similar military actions under presidents of both parties.' Senate Majority Leader John Thune also backed the president's decision, signalling a likelihood of Republican congressional support. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Some Democrats also refrained from raising legal objections. 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It also requires consultation with Congress 'in every possible instance' before initiating hostilities. Yet the law has often been sidestepped. Presidents have used various justifications — emergency threats, existing authorisations or interpretations of commander-in-chief powers — to engage militarily without a formal declaration of war. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Since World War II, the US has engaged in multiple conflicts — from Korea and Vietnam to Iraq and Afghanistan — without official war declarations. One major legal instrument enabling military operations without congressional votes is the Authorisation for Use of Military Force (AUMF). Passed in 2001 and 2002 for operations related to terrorism and Iraq, these authorisations have since been invoked for unrelated operations. For instance, Trump relied on the 2003 AUMF to justify the 2020 killing of Iranian General Qassem Soleimani. How is this legislation often side-stepped? 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Resolutions to end unauthorised hostilities are often subject to presidential vetoes, which require a two-thirds majority in both chambers to override. While the law provides a framework for transparency and reporting — over 100 such notifications have been sent to Congress since 1973 — it remains a contested tool. US Representative Ro Khanna said during an appearance on MSNBC: 'This is the first true crack in the MAGA base.' With inputs from agencies

The Hindu

37 minutes ago

• The Hindu

Iran-Israel conflict: Congress asks government to show moral courage, slams it for not condemning U.S. bombing

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