Masterstroke or damage-control? BJP's caste census sets ball rolling in Bihar

In a politically significant decision ahead of the Bihar Assembly elections, Prime Minister Narendra Modi-led central government has announced that caste enumeration will be conducted alongside the upcoming decennial national census. The move is widely interpreted as a calibrated attempt to counter the opposition INDIA bloc's growing demand for a nationwide caste census — an issue that has gained traction in Bihar's deeply caste-sensitive political landscape.advertisementThe announcement comes amidst speculation that the BJP is seeking to pre-empt a possible division of Hindu votes along caste lines, which could undermine its electoral prospects in a state where identity politics has historically overshadowed religious consolidation.Bihar had already conducted a state-level caste survey in 2023 under Chief Minister Nitish Kumar-led then Mahagathbandhan government, which included the Janata Dal (United), Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), and the Congress. The survey's findings were made public on October 2, 2023. At the time, the decision to undertake the survey had received unanimous support from all parties in the state, including the BJP, which was in the opposition.
Yet, demands for a nationwide enumeration persisted, with both Chief Minister Nitish Kumar and his then-deputy Tejashwi Yadav pressing the Centre to take up the issue. Ironically, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi, during recent visits to Bihar, criticised the state-conducted survey and called for a fresh national caste census — despite his party being part of the government that carried out the 2023 exercise.advertisementPolitical analysts view the Centre's decision as both a tactical masterstroke and a damage-control measure. "The BJP has failed to project a strong Hindutva figure like Yogi Adityanath in Bihar and has had to engage with the region's entrenched caste arithmetic," said Abhay Mohan Jha, a Patna-based political commentator.By embracing caste enumeration, the BJP appeared to be adapting to the ground realities of Bihar's politics, where electoral outcomes have long been shaped more by caste coalitions than communal mobilisation. Analysts suggested that the saffron party is aiming to neutralise one of the Mahagathbandhan's central campaign planks, while simultaneously retaining key allies at the Centre, inlcluding Nitish Kumar and Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) chief Chirag Paswan.THE HISTORICAL PRECEDENTThe BJP's move also appeared to be shaped by past electoral setbacks. In the 2015 Bihar elections, Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) chief Lalu Prasad Yadav had successfully turned the tide in his favour after RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat suggested a review of the reservation policy — fuelling fears among OBCs, SCs, and STs of a rollback in affirmative action.Caste is still the cornerstone of electoral strategy in Bihar, with the RJD banking on its traditional Yadav-Muslim base, and the Janata Dal (United) leaning on support from Kurmis, Koeris, OBCs, and Mahadalits.advertisement"Our demand for caste census is longstanding. It will provide accurate data for planning and ensure the development of marginalised communities," Nitish Kumar said in response to the Centre's recent announcement.Deputy Chief Minister Samrat Chaudhary echoed the sentiment from the BJP's side, stating, "The caste census will enable better socio-economic planning for deprived sections of society".OPPOSITION'S 'IDEOLOGICAL VICTORY'RJD supremo Lalu Prasad Yadav hailed the move as a belated acknowledgement of socialist politics. "The first caste survey was done in Bihar under our 17-month Mahagathbandhan government. The issues we raised three decades ago are now setting the national agenda. We'll continue to make these Sanghis dance to our tune," he said.Even Rahul Gandhi welcomed the government's 'sudden' decision to include caste enumeration in the forthcoming census after "11 years of opposing it". He also credited Congress's sustained campaign and said that it was the pressure put by the grand old party on the government for the caste census has worked."It doesn't matter what the BJP thinks. We have shown that we can pressure the BJP into doing the caste census," Gandhi said at a press conference. "We wholeheartedly welcome this decision but demand a clear implementation timeline," the Gandhi scion said.Must Watch

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United News of India

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• United News of India

Lakhs likely to attend BJP's Lord Murugan devotees conference in Madurai tomorrow

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India Gazette

an hour ago

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Hans India

an hour ago

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Judicial reforms must if India aspires to become a global leader by 2047

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It must be a collective mission to realize the unfulfilled promises of independence. True development cannot be built on foundations where voices are silenced, inequalities deepen, or where institutions falter due to compromised ethics. A nation can only rise as high as the strength of its moral spine, and this strength is defined not by rhetoric, but by action rooted in fairness, truth, and unity. A troubling paradox persists but no one is bothered. Nearly 85 per cent of the population, comprising Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), Other Backward Classes (OBCs), and other economically disadvantaged communities, continues to grapple with entrenched socio-economic, educational, and political deprivation. Despite decades of constitutional safeguards and welfare policies, the journey toward equitable development remains riddled with systemic barriers and broken promises. SCs, STs, and OBCs, along with the rural and urban poor from other communities, overwhelmingly occupy the bottom rung of India's socio-economic pyramid. Their lives are often marked by landlessness, insecure livelihoods, wage exploitation, and poor access to health and nutrition. A significant proportion remains dependent on the informal sector, which offers neither security nor dignity. The intersection of caste and poverty further compounds the exclusion, as Dalits and Adivasis continue to face discrimination in accessing even the most basic services like housing, clean drinking water, and sanitation. Even within economic growth narratives, the benefits have remained concentrated among the upper-caste urban elite, with only marginal trickle-down effects. Wealth inequality has widened alarmingly, with the richest 10 per cent holding over 75 per cent of the country's wealth, while the poorest majority are denied the opportunity to break free from generational poverty. Education remains a powerful tool for emancipation but for the marginalized, it is often out of reach or poor in quality. Despite affirmative action policies such as reservations in educational institutions, dropout rates remain disproportionately high among SCs and STs, particularly at the secondary and higher levels. Majority of rural and government schools suffer from understaffing, poor infrastructure, caste bias, and language barriers, conditions that particularly disadvantage first-generation learners. Moreover, digital exclusion during the COVID-19 pandemic laid bare the inequalities in access to technology and online education. Students from marginalized families were left behind, deepening the already wide learning gap. While the Constitution provides for political reservation for SCs and STs in legislative bodies, real political empowerment remains elusive. In many instances, elected representatives from marginalized communities serve as mere figureheads, with actual decision-making controlled by dominant social groups. Tokenism and co-optation have replaced genuine inclusion, and grassroots participation in governance is minimal. Furthermore, policy-making continues to be shaped by upper-caste bureaucracies and think tanks, with limited representation of the lived experiences and voices of the deprived majority. Despite the rise of some regional political formations centered around OBC and Dalit identities, the larger structure of Indian politics remains steeply unequal and resistant to transformative change. India's democratic promise will remain incomplete unless it fundamentally addresses the historical and structural inequalities faced by its marginalized majority. This calls for redistributive justice, radical educational reform, and authentic political representation. True nation-building will require dismantling caste and class hierarchies, not just in words, but in practice, through inclusive growth, dignity for all, and a renewed commitment to constitutional morality. Our judiciary, often hailed as the guardian of democracy, is grappling with a crisis that threatens the very essence of justice—delay. The principle - justice delayed is justice denied – has never been more relevant, as over 5 crore cases are currently pending in Indian courts (National Judicial Data Grid, May 2025). Of these, more than 4.2 crore are pending in subordinate courts, 60 lakh in High Courts, and over 80,000 in the Supreme Court. Shockingly, more than 2.5 crore cases have been pending for over one year, and over 50 lakh for more than 10 years, reflecting a judicial system crippled by chronic delays. The average time to dispose of a civil case in India often stretches between 8 to 15 years, depending on the jurisdiction. One of the key causes is the severe shortage of judges. India has just 21.03 judges per million population as compared to 107 in the US and 51 in the UK (Law Commission of India, 2014, reaffirmed in 2023 by NITI Aayog). Additionally, frequent adjournments, outdated procedures, and inadequate court infrastructure compound the delays. This wait is not just a legal issue. It has deep human and economic costs. Victims languish without closure, undertrials rot in jails, and businesses suffer due to commercial disputes stuck in litigation for years. According to the Economic Survey 2018, judicial delays cost India up to 1.5 per cent of its GDP annually. If India aspires to be a global leader by 2047, judicial reforms must be treated as a national emergency. Justice cannot be a privilege for the few. It must be timely, transparent, and accessible for all. The idea of a free, fair, and equitable India in 2047 must be a lived reality for all. Let 2047 not just be a milestone in our history, but a testament to a conscious civilizational leap, a moment when India proves that its growth is as just as it is rapid, as inclusive as it is innovative, and as principled as it is powerful.