Latest news with #Hindutva


Scroll.in
4 hours ago
- Politics
- Scroll.in
Scroll Adda: ‘Secular forces fixate on footnotes, Hindutva gets how Indians deal with history'
Play Few things seem more contested today than history. From politics to Bollywood, this once sleepy school subject dominates headlines. In an extensive chat with Shoaib Daniyal on the Scroll Adda podcast, however, historian Manu Pillai contextualises this. People of every age think they are living through unique circumstances. But maybe it's not so different today as it was earlier. That said, Pillai is clear that 'Hindutva has understood and weaponised how Indians deal with history' in a way that the left has not. 'Secular forces are fixated on a footnoted version of history,' he says. This makes it quite unappealing to people looking to history to construct an identity. Where does that leave the historian? Pillai agrees that he never thought he'd be in such a contentious field when he first started out. But in the end, he sees it as the price of being in the public eye. Historians are people too. The idea that a pure or virtuous history is possible, he suggests, may itself be an idealised position. Aryan Mahtta


News18
4 hours ago
- Politics
- News18
In First Litmus Test After Op Sindoor, Congress Eyes Muslim Vote Ahead Of Bihar Polls
Last Updated: Having attempted to gain ground with the Hindu vote and not found sustained success, the Congress now seems to be doubling down on its appeal to minority communities. The first big election that the Congress will face as a litmus test after Operation Sindoor will be Bihar. With a 17 per cent Muslim population, Bihar presents a crucial electoral opportunity, with the Congress, JD(U), and RJD all eyeing the same vote pie. However, this battle for the Muslim vote is not limited to Bihar. Nationally, the almost 20 per cent Muslim votebank could be a game-changer for the Congress in its broader revival strategy. In recent years, the Congress has attempted to strike a balance between wooing the Hindutva constituencies and appealing to minority voters. However, it remains acutely aware that when it comes to the Hindu votebank, the BJP continues to be the natural first choice. In areas where Congress does secure Hindu votes, it is often not for religious reasons but due to local dynamics or disenchantment with the BJP. Given this reality, the party appears to be falling back on what was once its traditional stronghold — the Muslim vote. It was not without reason that former Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh once advocated for the speedy implementation of the Sachar Committee recommendations and emphasised increasing the rights of Muslims. This policy orientation underlined the Congress's commitment to minority welfare and social justice. Having attempted to gain ground with the Hindu vote and not found sustained success, the Congress now seems to be doubling down on its appeal to minority communities. But this is easier said than done. Not only does it face tough competition from regional parties such as the RJD and JD(U), it also has to deal with vote-sharing challenges with its own allies. The 17 per cent Muslim vote share in Bihar is being hotly contested, and Congress is in the race with both allies and opponents. The party's stand on the Iran-Israel conflict also reflects its evolving minority strategy. Priyanka Gandhi Vadra delivered one of the sharpest critiques of the government's silence on Gaza, accusing it of ignoring human rights violations. 'India is standing silent as Israel annihilates a nation," she said, making it clear where the Congress's sympathies lie. Her carrying a pro-Palestine tote bag in Parliament only further reinforced the message — a calculated effort to align with minority sentiment. At the state level too, groundwork has begun. The Karnataka Congress government recently announced 4 per cent reservation for Muslims in government contract jobs and proposed an increase in housing reservation for minorities from 10 per cent to 15 per cent. These decisions are not just governance moves but political signals, conveying that a Congress-led government at the Centre or in states like Bihar or Kerala would prioritise minority welfare. Looking ahead, seat-sharing talks and the Bihar elections will be a critical moment for the Congress's minority outreach strategy. Despite its alliance with the RJD, the Congress is clearly trying to carve out an independent appeal among Muslim voters. The induction of leaders like former JD(U) MP Anwar Ansari and other Pasmanda Muslim figures into its fold is part of this push. However, in its attempt to reclaim the Muslim vote while also appeasing some Hindu constituencies, the Congress often appears directionless — caught between conflicting impulses. Its struggle to choose between consolidating the Muslim vote and pursuing a soft Hindutva line leaves the party at political crossroads. First Published: June 20, 2025, 13:17 IST


India Gazette
6 hours ago
- Politics
- India Gazette
Eknath Shinde has no idea, no opinion, whatever BJP says, Shinde has to do: Shiv Sena (UBT)'s Bhaskar Jadhav
Mumbai (Maharashtra) [India] June 20 (ANI): Shiv Sena (UBT) chief Uddhav Thackeray arrived at Sena Bhawan in Mumbai on Friday to hold a meeting with party leaders. Thackeray has called a crucial meeting with district heads, contact heads, and MLAs of the party. Speaking about the meeting, Shiv Sena UBT Leader Bhaskar Jadhav informed that the meeting aims to strategise and prepare for potential elections. ' The Supreme Court has given a judgment that elections for local sectors like Municipal Corporations, Municipal Councils, District Councils, and Panchayat Committees must be conducted within four months. So, because of that, the party should also be ready for elections. The party must prepare some kind of strategy for the elections. The party should also be ready for the election and should make a strategy, that's why a meeting of the district chief and public representatives has been called', Jadhav told reporters. Jadhav also criticised Eknath Shinde's recent remarks against Uddhav Thackeray, alleging that Shinde's words seemed to be dictated by the BJP. 'The words used by Eknath Shinde for Uddhav Thackeray ... it seems to me that the mouth is of Eknath Shinde but the words are of BJP, Eknath Shinde has no idea, no opinion, whatever BJP says, Eknath Shinde has to do that. So it seems to me that although Eknath Shinde's face is visible, everything is actually being done by the BJP...' Jadhav alleged. Earlier, addressing a gathering in Mumbai on Thursday, on the occasion of Shiv Sena Foundation Day, Eknath Shinde slammed Uddhav Thackeray, saying that his 'arrogance' is leading him to 'destruction.' Shinde said that Maharashtra has never seen such a 'treacherous person' and alleged that he betrayed Balasaheb Thackeray's ' ideas.' 'Arrogance is leading them to destruction. Maharashtra is witness to this. We know who committed the sin of tying Congress around their neck. He was helpless for power and tied his head around his waist. He betrayed Balasaheb's ideas. Maharashtra has never seen such a treacherous person', Eknath Shinde added. Furthermore, Jadhav attacked the BJP stating, 'Which party has the BJP not allied with in this country? Is there any party left that the BJP hasn't formed an alliance with? Did they take a certificate of Hindutva from Ramdas Athawale when they aligned with him? From Chirag Paswan? Did Bihar CM Nitish Kumar ever accept Hindutva? What about Chandrababu Naidu? BJP's Hindutva is only for the sake of power. The real Hindutva lies with Shiv Sena, with Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray, and only with Shiv Sena chief Balasaheb Thackeray.' On the Mumbai visit of Union Home Minister Amit Shah, Jadhav criticised Home Minister Shah for being selective about which states to visit. Jadhav claimed, 'Understand that the Union Home Minister or the Prime Minister repeatedly visits a state where elections have come in that state. It gives such an indication. When there is an election, they go to the state; when there is no election, they do not go there, do not see anything ...' Earlier, indicating that an alliance with Raj Thackeray's Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) was on the cards, Shiv Sena (UBT) president Uddhav Thackeray said he would do what was in the minds of the people of the state. The Shiv Sena (UBT) President also took a dig at the Mahayuti alliance, saying that the BJP and Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena do not want Marathi parties to unite. The former Maharashtra Chief Minister, addressing the party's foundation day event on Thursday, said if the BJP dared to finish Thackeray, then he would 'finish off' the BJP.'... What people want will happen. We will see how it is to be done. The BJP and Shinde Sena do not want Marathi parties to unite. If you try to finish the Thackeray brand, we will finish off the BJP,' Thackeray said. Uddhav said he would not allow the imposition of Hindi in Maharashtra. He remarked that just ahead of the BMC polls, the imposition of Hindi was nothing but an attempt to create division among Marathis and non-Marathis.'The imposition of Hindi in the state will not be allowed at any cost. The BJP wants to create a divide between Marathi and Hindi speakers on the eve of civic polls,' the Former Maharashtra CM said. There has been speculation of Uddhav Thackeray's Shiv Sena and Raj Thackeray's Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) coming together ahead of the BMC polls, which are expected to happen in October this year. (ANI)


Hindustan Times
6 hours ago
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
'Eknath Shinde has no opinion, does whatever BJP...': Shiv Sena (UBT) leader
Shiv Sena (UBT) chief Uddhav Thackeray arrived at Sena Bhawan in Mumbai on Friday to hold a meeting with party leaders. Thackeray has called a crucial meeting with district heads, contact heads, and MLAs of the party. Speaking about the meeting, Shiv Sena UBT Leader Bhaskar Jadhav informed that the meeting aims to strategise and prepare for potential elections. "The Supreme Court has given a judgment that elections for local sectors like Municipal Corporations, Municipal Councils, District Councils, and Panchayat Committees must be conducted within four months. So, because of that, the party should also be ready for elections. The party must prepare some kind of strategy for the elections. The party should also be ready for the election and should make a strategy, that's why a meeting of the district chief and public representatives has been called", Jadhav told reporters. Jadhav also criticised Eknath Shinde's recent remarks against Uddhav Thackeray, alleging that Shinde's words seemed to be dictated by the BJP. "The words used by Eknath Shinde for Uddhav Thackeray ... it seems to me that the mouth is of Eknath Shinde but the words are of BJP, Eknath Shinde has no idea, no opinion, whatever BJP says, Eknath Shinde has to do that. So it seems to me that although Eknath Shinde's face is visible, everything is actually being done by the BJP..." Jadhav alleged. Earlier, addressing a gathering in Mumbai on Thursday, on the occasion of Shiv Sena Foundation Day, Eknath Shinde slammed Uddhav Thackeray, saying that his "arrogance" is leading him to "destruction." Shinde said that Maharashtra has never seen such a "treacherous person" and alleged that he betrayed Balasaheb Thackeray's " ideas." "Arrogance is leading them to destruction. Maharashtra is witness to this. We know who committed the sin of tying Congress around their neck. He was helpless for power and tied his head around his waist. He betrayed Balasaheb's ideas. Maharashtra has never seen such a treacherous person", Eknath Shinde added. Furthermore, Jadhav attacked the BJP stating, "Which party has the BJP not allied with in this country? Is there any party left that the BJP hasn't formed an alliance with? Did they take a certificate of Hindutva from Ramdas Athawale when they aligned with him? From Chirag Paswan? Did Bihar CM Nitish Kumar ever accept Hindutva? What about Chandrababu Naidu? BJP's Hindutva is only for the sake of power. The real Hindutva lies with Shiv Sena, with Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray, and only with Shiv Sena chief Balasaheb Thackeray." On the Mumbai visit of Union Home Minister Amit Shah, Jadhav criticised Home Minister Shah for being selective about which states to visit. Jadhav claimed, "Understand that the Union Home Minister or the Prime Minister repeatedly visits a state where elections have come in that state. It gives such an indication. When there is an election, they go to the state; when there is no election, they do not go there, do not see anything ..." Earlier, indicating that an alliance with Raj Thackeray's Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) was on the cards, Shiv Sena (UBT) president Uddhav Thackeray said he would do what was in the minds of the people of the state. The Shiv Sena (UBT) President also took a dig at the Mahayuti alliance, saying that the BJP and Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena do not want Marathi parties to unite. The former Maharashtra Chief Minister, addressing the party's foundation day event on Thursday, said if the BJP dared to finish Thackeray, then he would "finish off" the BJP." What people want will happen. We will see how it is to be done. The BJP and Shinde Sena do not want Marathi parties to unite. If you try to finish the Thackeray brand, we will finish off the BJP," Thackeray said. Uddhav said he would not allow the imposition of Hindi in Maharashtra. He remarked that just ahead of the BMC polls, the imposition of Hindi was nothing but an attempt to create division among Marathis and non-Marathis."The imposition of Hindi in the state will not be allowed at any cost. The BJP wants to create a divide between Marathi and Hindi speakers on the eve of civic polls," the Former Maharashtra CM said. There has been speculation of Uddhav Thackeray's Shiv Sena and Raj Thackeray's Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) coming together ahead of the BMC polls, which are expected to happen in October this year.

The Wire
8 hours ago
- Politics
- The Wire
Nationalism Is a Dishonourable Social Construct
Two thought-provoking pieces by Yogendra Yadav and Suhas Palshikar made for a fascinating debate on the texture and trajectory of Indian nationalism. Yadav argues that the rich legacy of Indian nationalism from our freedom movement which was about 'belonging without othering' and unity sans uniformity, has been overwhelmed in the last decade by a Nazi version that upholds national interest over individual freedom and identifies the government with the nation. But he also blames the liberal, secular elite for the regression in the pristine nationalist spirit, charging them with a 'deracinated cosmopolitism' that ignored the cultural and spiritual undertone, because of which they lost touch with the common man. Palshikar is emphatic that nothing can mitigate the virtual dismantling of nationalism by the current regime through practice and ideology which, he believes, is not backsliding 'but a resolute replacement of Indian nationalism'. He contends that excoriating the secular-liberal elite as abettors for the crisis in Indian nationalism, as Yadav has done, is to attach significance to a marginal force. Of much greater import were the deep fissures that were evolving in the late 19th and early 20th century between an inclusive Indian nationalism and its phoney alternative that was 'rooted in othering and instrumental unity without genuine belonging.' To add my twopenny bit, notwithstanding the toxic faith-based majoritarian nationalism germinating on the side, our nationalism was not in a bad place until the 1980s. Yogendra Yadav may turn up his nose at my lived experience of an that was pluralistic, inclusive and grounded in democratic values where we didn't need to prove our Indianness or be judged by the clothes we wore or the size of our eyes; nor did we feel the need to tamper with historical facts or denigrate our freedom fighters in order to craft an alternative Hindutva nationalist vision. I remember an unselfconscious nationalism, respectful of religion but not obsessed with it, a milieu where our patriotic instincts were fired up by the histrionics of 'Mr Bharat' Manoj Kumar and the dulcet tones of Mohammad Rafi and Lata Mangeshkar. There was no deliberate fostering of deep cultural and spiritual traditions but that 'shallow modernity and deracinated cosmopolitanism' worked very well for us. If only we could get back that nationalist spirit. In debating Indian nationalism – good and bad – these two public intellectuals have broached a subject of the greatest significance. It has turned the world upside-down, particularly in the last decade. The nationalism that we witness today is the depraved patriotism of the mob. In truth, nationalism has been commandeered to legitimise all forms of bigotry. In the crazy world that we live in, the insurrectionists who stormed the US Capitol on January 6, 2021, are released and hailed as nationalists whereas the protestors in Los Angeles fighting for justice against the authoritarian Trump regime are hounded as anti-nationals. It is necessary to draw a distinction between nationalism and patriotism in terms of the emotive quality of loyalty to the nation. Nationalism invokes blind support for everything the country does –a syndrome that incites aggressive assertion and a lust for power, whereas patriotism is tolerant, humane and critical of actions that are destructive of the values that the country cherishes. Is it any wonder then that the world's great minds were not enamoured of nationalism? H.G. Wells condemned nationalism as 'a monstrous can't that has darkened all human affairs.' He believed that our true nationality was mankind. Rabindranath Tagore was no devotee of the constrictive tendencies associated with attachment to the nation which he viewed as 'holding up gigantic selfishness as the one universal religion.' Dr B.R. Ambedkar was wary of a nationalism 'that is at once a feeling of fellowship for one's own kith and kin and an anti-fellowship feeling for those who are not one's own kith and kin.' He warned that loyalty to the nation was endangered by competitive loyalty to religion, to culture and to language. The iconic revolutionary Bhagat Singh represented a nationalism that was the very antithesis of what's being practised today. His nationalism was anchored in his atheism and signified much more than driving out the British. It meant ridding our society of the evils of casteism, untouchability and communalism. Sadly, today he is glorified but his revolutionary nationalism that was centred on the oppressed and the poor has been overwhelmed by one that is cruelly majoritarian and focussed entirely on the needs of the privileged. 'Where guns boom' Today's nationalism bears an eerie correspondence with the German experiment of the 1930s that played on the fears and prejudice of the majority. The most obvious similarity is between the Nazi doctrine of nationhood based on an exclusive ethnic German-Aryan homogeneity and rabid antisemitism vis-a-vis our indigenous fascist mobilisation constructed on a deviant interpretation of religion and morbid hatred of the Muslim. And just as Hitler expanded his enemy list of Jews to include communists, Catholics and liberals, the current regime has gone way beyond targeting Muslims and Christians as the archetypal 'Other', to branding all dissenters as the 'ant-national, tukde - tukde gang'. Prime minister Narendra Modi has been given the credit for bestowing the name 'Operation Sindoor' to the military operation post Pahalgam, so clearly his camp followers think it's a great appellation. But how blasphemous to bestow an offensive military campaign with the moniker of 'sindoor' which is so sacred to the institution of the Hindu marriage, especially for the woman. It is as inappropriate a name as the one given by the USA to its largest non-nuclear explosive weighing 9,800 kgs, labelled 'the mother of all bombs'. That great humanist, the late Pope Francis was outraged: 'A mother gives life and this one gives death…What's going on?' The fig leaf of national interest and security have been used by this Government as a pretext for the furtive secrecy surrounding the Pahalgam horror and the aftermath. The nation is still in the dark about the murderers, the intelligence failure, the number of our planes shot down and fate of the pilots, Jaishankar's self-defeating forewarning to Pakistan, Trump's alleged intervention, our suicidal foreign policy that has all our neighbours gunning for us and a lot more. The bizarre decision to keep Operation Sindoor alive is clearly intended to avoid owning up to failure on multiple fronts. Arthur Miller had observed that 'when the guns boom, the arts die', but with Operation Sindoor it is not the arts but truth that has got buried. The nationalist fervour gripping the country has confused and equated loyalty to the nation with fealty to the government, though crafty ones like Shashi Tharoor have used it for their own self-serving purposes. Nationalism is the subterfuge for officially sponsored propaganda, downright falsehoods, jingoism, moral grandstanding and for treating dissent as anti-national. Modi's flurry of ' goli khaao' speeches following the ceasefire, are testimony to this ugly manipulation of nationalism. Look at what nationalism has spawned across the world. The likes of Zionist nationalist Benjamin Netanyahu and MAGA white racist Donald Trump – post-modern versions of the Fuhrer and Duce – flaunt the badge of nationalism to wreak death and suffering. Let's all agree that Howard Zinn was spot on when he observed: 'Nationalism – that devotion to a flag, an anthem, a boundary so fierce it engenders mass murder – is one of the great evils of our time along with racism and religious hatred.' Mathew John is a former civil servant. Views are personal. This piece was first published on The India Cable – a premium newsletter from The Wire & Galileo Ideas – and has been updated and republished here. To subscribe to The India Cable, click here. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments.