Latest news with #midterms
WIRED
21 hours ago
- Politics
- WIRED
How Democrats Are Meeting (and Missing) the Moment
Jun 19, 2025 7:00 AM After the shootings of lawmakers in Minnesota, the weekend's "No Kings" protests, and elected officials being placed in handcuffs, Democrats are searching for the path forward. Photo-illustration: WIRED Staff; Getty Images 'Well,' a senior Democratic strategist tells me, 'my wife and I are having a fight about me going back to the field in the midterms.' 'I would be lying if I said these aren't conversations I've been having with my family every day,' shared a Democratic candidate in a high-profile battleground state midterms race. In a matter of days, the truly unthinkable occurred: On Thursday last week, Senator Alex Padilla of California was forcibly removed from a news conference and handcuffed by officials wearing FBI-identifying clothing when he tried to question Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem on immigration raids in Los Angeles. On Saturday, Melissa Hortman, a Democratic Minnesota state representative, and her husband, Mark Hortman, were shot and killed. State senator John Hoffman and his wife Yvette Hoffman were also shot. On Tuesday, New York City Comptroller and Democratic mayoral candidate Brad Lander was violently arrested after accompanying an immigrant from a court appointment. Not to mention the fact that an estimated 4 to 6 million people attended 'No Kings' protests this past weekend against President Donald Trump's administration. How should Democrats be approaching this chaotic and, at times, violent moment? From lawmakers and candidates all the way down to the staff who fuel their operations, a series of events over the past week have made national Democrats reconsider their strategy. Following the shootings of the state lawmakers in Minnesota, a weekend of nationwide protests, and Democratic lawmakers in handcuffs, Democrats are trying to figure out what meeting the Trump moment really means for an out-of-power coalition that's already under fire from constituents for ostensibly rolling over. And for a number of lawmakers and strategists, that answer isn't so simple. 'I think that the hard reality is, a lot of Democrats and a lot of people say, like, why aren't we doing something?' David Axelrod, former President Barack Obama's chief strategist from his 2008 and 2012 campaigns, tells WIRED. 'Well, there are a limited number of ways in a democracy to do something, short of revolution—which I'm not advocating. You win elections, you go to court.' He says Padilla was in the right but that Democrats should exercise caution and not play into the White House's hands by rushing to get arrested or associating themselves too closely with protests that are unpredictable and prone to producing images of disorder. (Padilla's office did not return a request for comment.) Some laws of political gravity, Axelrod argues, still apply: 'As a general rule, don't do what your opponent wants.' The issue isn't just optics though, but expectation. 'I think the last thing Dems want to do is look unhinged or out of control,' a GOP strategist tells me. Right-wing media, certainly, has had a field day: a Fox News prime time segment from Jesse Watters on Tuesday night painted Democratic protesters as hysterical and ineffective. But Democratic voters might just want a strong, 'unhinged' response. 'Democrats are crying out for [a] fight,' the senior Democratic strategist tells me. 'They are crying out for someone who seems like they're fighting.' Democrats have been deeply pessimistic about the future of their own party, according to polling, despite a recent rebound for the party brand in the generic ballot against Republicans, where they now lead by 2 points, their best performance since last August, according to YouGov's latest survey. Pennsylvania state representative Malcolm Kenyatta—a newly elected vice chair of the Democratic National Committee since David Hogg stepped down—tells WIRED optics should not be the primary consideration when it comes to whether lawmakers with oversight abilities should consider risking the chance of an arrest. 'Listen, I think we have a responsibility to do our fuckin' job,' says Kenyatta, the grandson of civil rights leader Muhammad Kenyatta. 'And what Senator Padilla was doing was his job.' House Speaker Hakeem Jeffries of New York has often used the baseball analogy of not swinging at every pitch to explain how he thinks Democrats should respond to President Trump's deluge of executive actions and outlandish statements. For emerging leaders in the party like Kenyatta, the state of play has moved beyond that point. 'Things don't become less important because a lot of them are happening,' Kenyatta says. 'I don't think we have the luxury of ignoring any of the things he does that are going to make life worse for people.' Lander, who was detained outside of an immigration court hearing in New York City on Tuesday, took that exact type of risk. For the senior Democratic strategist fighting with his wife—who requested anonymity to avoid entangling other clients, and their spouse—Lander showed fellow Democrats how it should be done. (A representative for Lander did not return a request for comment.) 'Yes, this is exactly what people should be doing,' they say. 'There are people who are going to say this whole thing is gimmicky, and I get that. Put some fucking skin in the game. We've gotta draw attention to it somehow—look at all of those cameras they had to arrest him in front of.' But there are also very real security considerations. The battleground state candidate, who also requested anonymity to discuss sensitive security conversations, said the increased security posture lawmakers are dealing with has only made it harder to be as up close with voters, as regularly, in as many places. 'It's this ugly reality where you have to look out for your safety. It is going to rob people of access to their elected officials and candidates,' they say. This has happened already: Representative Hillary Scholten of Michigan postponed a Monday town hall in Muskegon after her name ended up on the alleged Minnesota shooter's list of lawmakers to target. (Scholten's office did not return a request for comment.) Even so, the Democratic candidate wants their constituents to know they're not alone, and they have every right to be angry. "I am as angry as you are about our government and our elected officials,' they say. 'I'm doing the hard thing. I'm putting my name on a ballot. I'm being vulnerable. I'm asking for people to support me, which is a fuck-ton harder than buying a gun and going and threatening people." The Chatroom Who stands out to you as a lawmaker or candidate meeting the moment? Leave a comment on the site or send your thoughts to mail@ WIRED Reads Want more? Subscribe now for unlimited access to WIRED. What Else We're Reading 🔗 Inside the Clashes Between Trump and Gabbard: Tulsi Gabbard is in a bind after more than two decades of pushing for an end to forever wars, and a rogue 3-minute video she recently released didn't help. (Politico) 🔗 Comptroller Brad Lander Arrested by Masked Federal Agents While Escorting Immigrant from Court: A comprehensive write-up of how Brad Lander's arrest went down, from an excellent local outlet in New York. (Hell Gate) 🔗 Bid to Protect Lawmakers' Data Gains Momentum: The Minnesota shooter's alleged use of data brokers has revived a bill in Congress that would allow lawmakers to remove personal data from the internet. (Semafor) The Download Our flagship show Uncanny Valley dives into some of the strange and disturbing hallucinations from AI chatbots around the Los Angeles protests—the same ones that would come up blank when users asked for information about the 2024 election. Listen now. Thanks again for subscribing. You can find me on Bluesky or on Signal at Leak2Lahut.26.
Al Arabiya
a day ago
- Politics
- Al Arabiya
In Virginia and New Jersey governor's races, Democrats reprise a 2018 roadmap for opposing Trump 2.0
Abigail Spanberger launched her Virginia gubernatorial campaign at her high school alma mater near Richmond. 'I grew up walking the halls of Tucker High School,' the former congresswoman says in her first ad since securing the Democratic nomination, as she walks past a bank of lockers. Later, she highlights her background as a CIA case officer and then as a 'tough-minded, get-things-done lawmaker' in Congress. A similar message is resonating in New Jersey, where Rep. Mikie Sherrill is also running for governor. Both women present themselves as Democrats capable of transcending the discord of Donald Trump's Washington. For national Democrats, who have deliberated for months on how to counter the former president's aggressive second administration, it's a reminder of what proved successful during Trump's first term. Spanberger and Sherrill were prominent figures in the 2018 wave of center-left Democrats who helped flip House control from Republicans, appealing to moderates, progressives, and even anti-Trump conservatives. Now, they lead statewide tickets in races that could offer Democrats a familiar path forward as they look toward next year's midterms. 'There are a lot of similarities in Democrats' current position and the 2018 campaigns,' said Sen. Ben Ray Luján, D-N.M., who chaired his party's congressional campaign arm during Trump's first midterm election cycle. The 2018 Democratic freshman class gained a net 40 seats, with record numbers of women and numerous candidates with national security and business backgrounds. A similar effort yielded a net gain of six governorships. The party's 2018 winners also included outspoken progressives like Reps. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York and Ilhan Omar of Minnesota, elected in more liberal urban districts. But the balance of power shifted thanks to centrist candidates who carried the nation's suburbs and improved Democrats' performance in exurbs and even small-town, GOP-dominated areas. Among Spanberger's and Sherrill's freshman colleagues were Elissa Slotkin of Michigan, a former CIA analyst who won a suburban Detroit seat before her election to the Senate last November; Rep. Jason Crow, a former Army officer who represents suburban Denver; and Rep. Angie Craig, who flipped a GOP-held seat in greater Minneapolis and is now running for Senate. Crow is now co-chairman of candidate recruitment for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee. Similar résumés are appearing among new Democratic recruits. In Michigan, Bridget Brink, former US ambassador to Ukraine, launched her bid for Slotkin's old 7th Congressional District, emphasizing her international experience as a counterpoint to Trump. Luján noted that the common thread has been recruiting 'real people – regular folks with incredible credentials and an ability to hold a real conversation with people around economic issues … around the kitchen table and campaign in any area.' So even as New Jersey's Sherrill labels her Republican opponent, Jack Ciattarelli, a 'Trump lackey' and Spanberger vows in a fundraising email to defeat 'Trump's agenda at the ballot box,' their broader appeal hinges on different arguments. Sherrill has emphasized her biography: Naval Academy graduate, Navy Sea King helicopter pilot, federal prosecutor, and mother of four. Her blue and gold yard signs feature a helicopter hovering above her name. She also promises an 'Affordability Agenda' to address voters' economic anxieties. Spanberger, part of the Problem Solvers Caucus during her time on Capitol Hill, stresses her deal-making centrism, pledges to address economic disparities, and has promised to campaign in every Virginia congressional district, including those where Trump has dominated. 'It's not the job of the governor of Virginia to cater to President Trump,' Spanberger said in a primary campaign speech. 'It's not the job of the governor of Virginia to cater to a political party.' In an Associated Press interview, Spanberger even criticized President Joe Biden for posturing by promising to eliminate student debt – something he couldn't achieve solely through presidential action. 'Don't make promises you can't keep,' she said. She also bristled when asked to define her political position, instead saying she sets goals by asking, 'How do I impact the most people in the fastest way possible?' Jared Leopold, a Democratic strategist who worked for the Democratic Governors Association during the 2018 cycle, noted that Spanberger and Sherrill avoid the internal party struggle among progressives, liberals, and moderates. 'Most voters aren't really thinking about things along a simple left-right political spectrum, especially in statewide races,' Leopold said. 'People are looking for politicians who they think understand them and can get things done to help them.' He cited another 2018 Democratic standout: Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer. Now a potential 2028 presidential contender, Whitmer gained national attention as a state legislator who spoke out about abortion rights and her experience of being raped as a college student. But she became a force in the governor's race with what Leopold called a 'brilliant and simple slogan: 'Fix the damn roads!'' Democrats acknowledge that candidates' military and national security experience helps neutralize Republican attacks painting all Democrats as too liberal or out of touch. 'These credentials for how they've served the country – they're just sharing who they are,' Luján said. Leopold added, 'It certainly gives a different definition of what the Democratic Party is to some voters.' In Virginia, Republican nominee and Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears, who, like Spanberger, would be the first woman to serve as the state's top elected official, is trying to link the Democratic nominee to her national party. Earle-Sears's social media frequently shares pictures of Spanberger and Biden together. She accuses Spanberger of effectively rubber-stamping Biden's legislative agenda while in Congress. 'Part of the challenge,' Spanberger counters, 'is that either my opponent or people who might be running anywhere who don't necessarily have things to run on are going to try and distract.' Spanberger, Sherrill, and similar Democrats hope that most voters will see through the GOP attacks and appreciate their own branding efforts, like Fred Martucci, a retired glazier who voted early in Trenton, New Jersey. The seventy-five-year-old expressed a strong dislike for Trump. Regarding Sherrill, he said, 'She was a Navy helicopter pilot. You can't be a dummy – she's sharp.'
Associated Press
7 days ago
- Politics
- Associated Press
Finding a strong candidate for governor in Pennsylvania may help GOP protect its US House majority
HARRISBURG, Pa. (AP) — Job No. 1 for Republicans in Pennsylvania is to scrounge up a candidate to contest next year's reelection bid by Democratic Gov. Josh Shapiro — if only to run interference for other Republicans on the ballot who are clinging to seats in Congress. In other words, the unalluring mission of next year's Republican gubernatorial nominee could be just to not get blown out by the relatively popular incumbent. That's because a lopsided victory by Shapiro could otherwise doom Republicans up and down Pennsylvania's ballot — and, with them, the GOP's narrow majority in the U.S. House that backs President Donald Trump's agenda. That's one more reason Pennsylvania could again find itself at the center of attention, even during the midterms and even if the GOP faces long odds against beating Shapiro. Democrats are targeting four GOP-held congressional seats in Pennsylvania alone — more than in any other state — and they need to flip only three seats nationwide to retake the majority they lost last year. Having a valuable standard-bearer is important, analysts say. That is the candidate who often sets the tone for the party in the state, delivers the party's message and drives the enthusiasm of the party's faithful to go out and vote. Republicans had Trump atop their ticket in 2024, and he proved formidable in Pennsylvania. Next year, it will be Democrats with a familiar name leading the way, and he, too, brings considerable heft. Shapiro has won three statewide races, is working to sustain his robust public approval ratings and carries a reputation as a disciplined messenger and powerhouse fundraiser who is on the party's shortlist for top White House contenders in 2028. He'll run at what could be a difficult time for Republicans. During a midterm election, the party of the president — in this case, Trump — typically loses seats in what pollsters describe as a political readjustment by an electorate that tends to punish the status quo. 'The big question I have is, 'Would you as a Republican thinking about this office want to choose 2026 as the time you want to make that run?'' said Christopher Borick, a pollster and director of the Muhlenberg College Institute of Public Opinion. 'You're thinking, 'Well I want to be governor,' but you're thinking, 'I have to first take on a well-funded incumbent who's never lost a race in the state, and I have to do it in a period where my party is facing headwinds.'' The four Republican congressmen in Pennsylvania being targeted by Democrats are Rob Bresnahan, Brian Fitzpatrick, Ryan Mackenzie and Scott Perry. Fitzpatrick and Perry are survivors of repeated challenges. Bresnahan and Mackenzie are freshmen. Fitzpatrick is one of just three House Republicans nationally to represent a district won by Democrat Kamala Harris in last year's presidential election. He won by 13 percentage points. But Perry, Bresnahan and Mackenzie each won by 1.6 percentage points or less, putting their victories among the narrowest of 2024. Those victories came without political headwinds on a GOP ticket led by Trump, who carried battleground Pennsylvania by nearly 2 percentage points. Plus, Republicans lost a slew of seats in Pennsylvania the last two times an incumbent Democratic governor ran for reelection in midterms with a Republican president. There's also this to consider: Shapiro won all four districts when he won his 2022 contest by almost 15 percentage points. Republicans would rather forget that election, when the party nominated a relative political novice who ran an insular, ham-handed campaign — and got blown out. It's going to be 'super-important' for Republicans' down-ballot races to have a strong top-of-the-ticket candidate, said Bob Salera, a Republican campaign strategist who has worked on campaigns for governor in Pennsylvania. But, Republicans acknowledge, Shapiro enters the race from a position of strength. 'He's turning into a national figure, so he'll have all the money possible at his disposal to win in 2026,' Salera said. 'He's a formidable candidate, for certain, and it'll take a formidable Republican to beat him.' Defeating Shapiro is obviously the GOP's preference. But a competitive race could at least protect other Republicans and damage Shapiro's popularity in Pennsylvania enough to pay dividends in the next presidential contest. 'Josh Shapiro is a fairly strong candidate,' said Bill Bretz, the GOP chair of heavily Republican Westmoreland County. 'He's someone we need to identify the chink in the armor here and need to set back his candidacy for governor so that we can set him back in 2028.' In any case, it's a little early for that conversation, Bretz said. No Republican has declared a candidacy for the GOP nomination, and, for now, only two say they're considering it. One is U.S. Rep. Dan Meuser, who hails from a Trump-friendly congressional district in northeastern Pennsylvania. At Trump's rally at a U.S. Steel plant earlier this month, Trump singled out Meuser in the crowd and said nice things about him. 'He's been a great congressman, and if you run, you have my support totally, and you'll win,' Trump said. Meuser said he'll decide by July 1. The other is state Treasurer Stacy Garrity, a two-time statewide winner who has campaigned for other Republicans all over Pennsylvania but has raised only a fraction of the money Shapiro did while winning two low-profile races. All told, Democrats have put a target on 35 Republican-held House districts, needing to flip just three to transform a 220-215 majority into a minority. All four of the targeted Republicans in Pennsylvania voted last month for Trump's big tax cut and spending bill, helping it pass by one vote — a vote that Democrats say will cost them. For his part, Shapiro smashed Pennsylvania's campaign spending record in 2022, and he's running for reelection in a state that's friendly to incumbent governors. Shapiro's most recent public approval ratings resemble those of a candidate who'll cruise to reelection, said Berwood Yost, a pollster and director of the Center for Opinion Research at Franklin and Marshall College. Shapiro unified the party and its allies behind his candidacy in 2022, after winning two statewide elections for attorney general. Shapiro has ably managed the levers of state government and avoided any major scandal. He has raised his profile nationally, including making Harris' shortlist of vice presidential running mates, and kept his grip on party unity. For a candidate to run against Shapiro, there aren't many incentives, Yost said. Timing can be everything in a successful — or unsuccessful — political career, he said. 'You never know what's going to happen, but you're signing up for something you know will be incredibly challenging,' Yost said. 'You have to wonder, if you're an ambitious politician, timing is important. 'Maybe you wait this one out. There's always another statewide race.' ___ Follow Marc Levy on X at:
The Independent
12-06-2025
- Politics
- The Independent
Trump may get more than he bargained for by picking a fight with Los Angeles
Donald Trump is looking to Los Angeles to provide a much-needed distraction as his polling slips on some of his strongest issues and the Republican president grapples with Americans' increasing displeasure towards the chaos brought on by his second term. But on Thursday, it appeared that wish had been granted via cursed monkey's paw. Trump's presidency will pass the six month mark next week. With midterm season fast approaching, Congress has yet to pass any of the president's legislative priorities into law. A mass deportation program spearheaded by Stephen Miller, Tom Homan and Kristi Noem is increasingly proving unpopular as it abandons a focus on violent criminals for a nationwide smash-and-grab effort. Trump's promised trade deals continue to elude the administration; he touted an agreement this week which China's government has already downplayed and looks to largely bring both countries back to pre-reciprocal tariff rates — undoing only the US president's own escalation. Conflicts which Trump boasted he could end continue to rage on in Ukraine and Gaza; a third, in Iran, appears to be on the horizon after Wednesday. And the congressional GOP remains mired in budget discussions as Democrats pound their opponents for planned changes to Medicaid and food stamps (SNAP) that would impose work requirements which the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) estimates will kick millions off the programs. All in all, the media-savvy Trump was eager for an opportunity to spin the narrative back against his opponents. On the issue of anti-ICE demonstrations in Los Angeles, he thought he had it. But even as polling shows that Americans largely to not support the sometimes-violent protests which have broken out in Los Angeles for the past several days, polling released this week indicates Americans are just as opposed to Trump's handling of the situation — and are souring on his immigration agenda overall. An Associated Press-NORC survey released Thursday had approval of Trump's immigration agenda at 46 percent approval to 53 percent disapproval, with Republicans being Trump's only bastion of support on the issue. Among independents, it's nearly 2-1 against the president, as ICE agents say they've ramped up daily arrest targets from 1,000 to 3,000. In a Quinnipiac poll released a day earlier, nearly six in 10 voters from all parties said Republicans in Congress should do more to check Trump's power. He was similarly underwater with independents on the issue of immigration, though by a smaller margin. Both polls showed Trump's popularity hovering just below the 40 percent mark. Even as Trump sought to project an image of imposing law and order on a lawless city run by Democrats, a YouGov poll released on Monday showed his decision to send in Marines against the wishes of state and local leaders was unpopular. On Thursday, the story took a turn for the worse for Republicans. As DHS Secretary Kristi Noem spoke to reporters in Los Angeles, her news conference was interrupted by Senator Alex Padilla, a Democrat, who started to make a statement while Noem was speaking. He was then forcibly pushed to the ground and taken out of the room by law enforcement agents. Video of the incident shocked Democrats and many in Washington over the wholly unprecedented manhandling of Padilla, a sitting senator, in the clip. DHS further bungled the situation by tweeting that Padilla had not identified himself — this was verifiably false, the first words out of Padilla mouth in the clip were, 'I'm Senator Alex Padilla'. Before the end of the day, tensions were soaring on Capitol Hill. Rep. Mike Lawler was shouted at by a Democrat on the House floor. A group of the senator's Democratic colleagues marched to Sen. John Thune's office to demand action from the majority leader. In the lower chamber, Democrats demanded the House adjourn while GOP leadership condemned not the tackling of a sitting US senator but his decision to interrupt Noem as she spoke. If there was any sign of the way things may be headed, it was a statement from Lisa Murkowski, a centrist Republican senator. She condemned Padilla's treatment by federal agents in the video in strong language: 'It's horrible. It is shocking at every level. It's not the America I know." With a new polling plunge this week and Thursday's events certain to galvanize his critics, Donald Trump heads into his weekend of spectacle in Washington with several major political narratives quickly spinning out of his control.
Associated Press
12-06-2025
- Politics
- Associated Press
Democrats look for reinvention and a new playbook against Trump in key committee race
WASHINGTON (AP) — House Democrats are quietly engaged in a behind-the-scenes race for a key committee position, the second time in as many months that the party has had to fill one of the most prized positions in Congress. Four Democrats are running to be the ranking member on the House Oversight Committee, an investigative panel with public clout, subpoena power and an expansive portfolio. The position is open due to the death last month of Rep. Gerry Connolly of Virginia. While Democrats in the minority have little power to shape the committee's work, the ranking member position comes with an enormous platform — and the possibility of becoming chair if the party wins back the majority in next year's midterm elections. Whoever wins will immediately be squaring off against Republicans as they prepare for splashy hearings this summer on immigration enforcement, LGBTQ rights and former President Joe Biden's age and mental condition while in office. As they hear from the candidates, Democrats are weighing many of the factors that were in play late last year, when Connolly, a veteran member of the committee, fended off a challenge from Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York. A look at how the race is shaping up: The age factor The debate over Biden's age coincides with a reckoning over seniority and generational change happening across the Democratic Party. Four House Democrats are running for the position: Stephen Lynch of Massachusetts, the acting ranking member; Jasmine Crockett of Texas, a viral sensation; Robert Garcia, a former Los Angeles County mayor who has pitched colleagues on a government reform agenda; and Kweisi Mfume of Maryland, former president of the NAACP and civil rights advocate. While Lynch is the most senior of the four, Democrats broadly said they are more open to breaking from seniority than they were in December, when Connolly, then 74, beat out Ocasio-Cortez, 35, for the job. Democrats are interested in how the candidates would communicate with the public, how they would help support lawmakers in battleground districts — and of course, how they would challenge President Donald Trump and his administration. How the four Democrats are making their case Crockett, 44, has pitched herself as the candidate best able to compete with Trump's pugnacious and attention-grabbing style. Democrats, Crockett has argued, often fail to connect with voters and explain why the president's actions may be harmful. She believes she can. 'It's a matter of bringing that in, having a hearing and making sure that we are translating it and amplifying it,' Crockett told MSNBC in an interview. 'Communications has to be a full-on strategy.' Garcia, 47, has focused on government reform and effectiveness, a key issue for Democrats after the Trump administration's blitz across federal agencies and mass firings of federal workers by billionaire Elon Musk's Department of Government Efficiency. Mfume, 76, has attracted support from members impressed by his longtime stewardship of the nation's oldest civil rights group. He returned to Congress after decades leading the NAACP following the death of a previous Democratic Oversight chair, the late Congressman Elijah Cummings, a fellow Baltimore Democrat. Lynch, 70, has styled himself as the acting chair and the lawmaker best positioned to take on the committee's chairman, Republican James Comer of Kentucky. 'There are some members who speak to a very narrow audience, and that's great,' Lynch said. 'We want them to be energized and animated. But that same person is not going to go to the Rust Belt with people that are farmers, moderates, conservatives,' Lynch told The Associated Press. 'You need different voices to appeal to different constituencies.' 'I think I have a better chance of bringing back the blue-collar working people, and I have less of a chance of appealing to very younger people who are intensely invested in social media,' Lynch said. What's ahead as Democrats make their choice The vote for Oversight ranking member is scheduled for June 24 and will be conducted by secret ballot. All four candidates are speaking before multiple caucuses this week, including the New Democrats and the progressive caucus, the Congressional Black Caucus, the Congressional Hispanic Caucus and the Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus. While many Democrats are undecided, others have made up their mind. Some who are privately stumping for their candidate believe it will be a tight race. That makes the public forums and private pitches even more crucial in the run-up to the vote. House progressives are divided over their preferred choice. Three members of the Congressional Progressive Caucus — Crockett, Garcia and Mfume — are vying for the ranking member seat, which makes it unlikely the caucus will back a single candidate. 'We're looking for folks that could expose this kind of corruption and hold Trump and his billionaire donors accountable,' said Rep. Greg Casar of Texas, the Progressive Caucus chair. Rep. Brad Schneider, chair of the centrist New Democrat Coalition, said he's weighing two factors: which candidate could best help Democrats win the 2026 midterm elections and whether they can successfully lead investigations into the Trump administration and 'try to repair some of the damage that's been done.' 'The committee can be a flash point, or it can be a very effective place for us to make our point, and we want to know who's going to do best in that role to make sure the committee works to help us secure 218 (members) next November,' Schneider said. The role of seniority and the Congressional Black Caucus Some Democratic caucuses have traditionally prized seniority as a clear and reliable way for lawmakers of color to rise through the ranks. There has never been a Hispanic Oversight chairman and only one Black chairman, Elijah Cummings. 'The CBC has always stood for seniority,' said Rep. Hank Johnson of Georgia. But Johnson noted that the Black Caucus has at times 'deviated' from that norm. He said many in the caucus are open to a conversation about age. 'So, Steve Lynch, I think, is the next senior member. And but as I said, other factors have to be considered and I'm sure that, along with myself, other CBC members are going through that process,' Johnson said. 'Since I've been here, seniority has had weight,' said Rep. Gregory Meeks of New York, who said he was undecided on which candidate to back. 'But seniority is not the only thing. And there are times and circumstances where the person with the most seniority has not won. Whether that's one of these times or not is what we're going to see.' ___ Associated Press writer Leah Askarinam contributed to this report.
