Latest news with #SowetoUprising
IOL News
5 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
HOW GNU WORSENED YOUTH'S PLIGHT
PROBLEM: Youth unemployment crisis in South Africa Image: Ron Lach/Pexels THE 46.1% unemployment rate among young people, the worst in the world, is proof that the Government of National Unity (GNU) has no plans to address the crisis, say political analysts. Monday marked 49 years since the 1976 Soweto Uprising where scores of youth protested against Afrikaans being enforced as the exclusive medium of instruction in African schools. Unemployment among young people dominated Monday's commemoration, with questions being raised about the effectiveness of the GNU since its establishment about a year ago following the May 2024 elections. Young people between the ages of 15 and 34 make up just over half of South Africa's working-age population, about 20.9 million people. The latest data from the Quarterly Labour Force Survey shows that more than half of young people aged between 18 and 34 are unemployed. Deputy President Paul Mashatile conceded on Monday that this is one of the highest levels the country has ever seen, and it is of grave concern University of the Free State politics lecturer, Sanet Solomons said unemployment and access to quality education remained a challenge as hundreds of schools remain understaffed and under-resourced. 'This is detrimental to those that show promise as their environmental challenges will overshadow their capabilities, leaving them stuck in a cycle of poverty. To date thousands of graduates still have not managed to access the workforce; while some earn a minimum wage that can barely cover their household expenses amid the rising cost of living. Thus, reinforcing the sentiment that very few opportunities exist for this segment of society. Many expected a different outcome or better opportunities under a government of national unity, but these hopes have been dashed as the youth still struggles decades later. As the country commemorates this day, it should be mindful of those who live in poverty with limited access to opportunities. Better needs to be done for them," she said. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Political analyst professor Sipho Seepe said the GNU had prioritised 'nothing beyond spending an inordinate amount of time trying to justify its existence'. 'Last year was all about internecine bickering. This stems from major flaws in foundations. The ANC's share of the vote declined by a humongous 17 percent in one electoral cycle. This is a damning statement than Ramaphosa's version that says the voters wanted political parties to work together. On the other hand, the DA is on record in ensuring that the demise of the ANC happens pretty soon. There is no love lost between the ANC and the DA. Under the ANC-DA coalition, unemployment among the youth continues to skyrocket to unmanageable levels.' He said the ANC of Ramaphosa has not only failed but has reversed whatever gains were made in the last 30 years. 'So there is nothing that the youth should expect from it beyond revolutionary sounding statements signifying nothing,' said Seepe. Addressing the National Youth Day commemoration, in Potchefstroom, North West on Monday, Mashatile said was also deeply worrying was the growing number of young people who are not in education, employment, or training. 'The current figure stands at about 3.8 million. Among 15–24-year-olds, 37.1% fall into this category, with young women being slightly more affected than young men. If we look at the wider age group of 15–34 years, the rate is even higher at 45.1%. Even our graduates are struggling, with nearly 1 in 4 graduates (23.9%) struggling to gain employment. This is more than just an economic issue. It is a moral emergency. We must fix the structural challenges in our economy to address inequality and skills mismatch between education and what the job market needs.'
IOL News
5 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Building Democracy: Voices of the Youth Vital for South Africa's Future
Youth voter turnout remains inconsistent, partly due to disillusionment with political parties, lack of trust in leadership, and limited awareness about how to influence policy effectively, says the writer. Image: Shelley Kjonstad/IndependentNewspapers Dr. Paul Kariuki South Africa's history is deeply embedded in a legacy of struggle and resilience, particularly among its youth. During the pre-independence era, colonial and apartheid policies systematically marginalized Black South Africans, with youth often at the forefront of resistance movements. In the 1940s and 1950s, student organizations like the South African Students Organisation (SASO), led by figures such as Steve Biko, advocated for Black consciousness and empowerment, laying the groundwork for political activism rooted in identity and liberation. Post-1960s, the Sharpeville Massacre intensified youth involvement, fueling protests and underground resistance activities that challenged apartheid's brutal system. The 1976 Soweto Uprising marked a pivotal moment, where young students publicly protested against Afrikaans-medium instruction, symbolizing the youth's refusal to accept oppressive policies. This activism highlighted the vital role of youth in driving societal change, both as catalysts for resistance and as agents of social transformation. Following South Africa's transition to democracy in 1994, the focus shifted from liberation struggles to nation-building and developmental challenges. While formal political structures were established, the engagement of youth in these processes remained inconsistent, compounded by socio-economic disparities, unemployment, and limited access to education—factors that continue to shape youth participation today. Youth Engagement in Electoral and Democratic Processes The 2024 South African elections marked a significant juncture in youth political engagement. In the lead-up to the elections, efforts by civil society, political parties, and youth organisations aimed to mobilise young voters through social media campaigns, youth forums, and civic education programs. Initiatives like the South African Youth Council and various youth branches of political parties sought to increase awareness about electoral rights, policies affecting youth, and the importance of active participation. Post-2024, youth engagement has extended beyond voting to encompass a broader spectrum of democratic participation. Young people are increasingly involved in advocacy, protests, and social movements addressing critical issues such as climate change, unemployment, education reform, and social justice. Digital platforms play a central role, enabling youth to organize campaigns, hold leaders accountable, and participate in policy dialogues. Some youth-led initiatives have influenced policymakers to prioritize youth concerns, and young representatives are beginning to hold positions in local councils and parliamentary committees. However, despite these encouraging developments, challenges persist. Youth voter turnout remains inconsistent, partly due to disillusionment with political parties, lack of trust in leadership, and limited awareness about how to influence policy effectively. Moreover, youth participation is often superficial, with many young people engaging predominantly through symbolic acts rather than sustained engagement in governance processes. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Challenges in Engaging Democratic Processes Several intertwined challenges hinder meaningful youth participation in South Africa's democracy. Firstly, socio-economic hardships—high unemployment rates (notably among youth), poverty, and inadequate educational access—limit the capacity of young people to actively participate in civic life. Economic dependency often compels youth to prioritize immediate survival over political engagement. Secondly, political disillusionment and mistrust towards existing institutions and parties pose significant barriers. Many young South Africans perceive politicians as disconnected from their realities, fostering apathy and disengagement. This sentiment is exacerbated by corruption scandals and a perceived lack of accountability. Thirdly, structural barriers such as limited political literacy, inadequate civic education, and exclusion from decision-making forums diminish youth influence. Legal and institutional frameworks often do not facilitate youth involvement beyond voting, neglecting avenues for continuous engagement in policy formulation, oversight, and community development. Additionally, societal issues like violence, substance abuse, and gender inequality disproportionately impact youth, further distracting them from political participation and reinforcing cycles of disempowerment. The digital divide—limited access to online resources—also restricts many youths from leveraging digital platforms for activism. Strategies for Overcoming Challenges and Enhancing Youth Engagement To address these challenges, a multifaceted approach is essential. First, educational reforms must embed civic education into school curricula, fostering a culture of active citizenship from an early age. Equipping youth with knowledge about their rights, political processes, and leadership skills is fundamental. Second, creating inclusive platforms for youth participation is critical. Governments and political parties should establish youth councils, advisory committees, and participatory chambers at local and national levels, ensuring youth voices are integral to decision-making. Mentorship programs and leadership development initiatives can empower young leaders. Third, leveraging technology and social media responsibly can broaden reach and foster sustained engagement. Partnerships with civil society organizations can facilitate digital literacy campaigns, especially targeting marginalized communities.
Daily Maverick
5 days ago
- Politics
- Daily Maverick
Our school curriculum still treats black African identity as a problem to be managed
Each June 16, we reprise our remembrance of the Soweto Uprising. We return to the haunting images of 1976 not only to honour the courage of the youth who rose up against injustice, but also to ask difficult, often uncomfortable questions about the state of education and social justice in South Africa today. We bow our heads, quote Steve Biko, remember Hector Pieterson, and speak in solemn tones about freedom. But beneath this ritualised remembrance, in classrooms across the country – the very battlegrounds of 1976 – the foundations of injustice remain disturbingly intact. Nearly 50 years after the Soweto Uprising, we must confront a hard truth: South Africa's education system remains structurally rooted in colonial and apartheid logic. Yes, the signage of apartheid has been removed. The language of the curriculum has shifted. The word transformation appears prominently in policy documents. But the philosophical architecture, the very logic that shaped and continues to shape our schooling, remains steeped in coloniality. We did not rebuild the system from the ground up. Instead, we covered the cracks with cosmetic reforms, while ignoring the deep rot at its core. The post-apartheid state has invested billions in education: building schools, training teachers, and integrating technology. Yet educational outcomes remain starkly unequal. Literacy levels are declining. Socioeconomic disparities persist. And increasingly, learners feel alienated from what they are taught. The question is no longer 'how much are we spending?' but rather, 'what vision is guiding our investment?' As the late Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o reminds us, 'Education is never neutral. It is always a function of the kind of society we want.' And therein lies our dilemma. We have failed to ask, in genuinely African terms: What kind of society are we trying to build? What kind of human being are we trying to cultivate? Had we asked these questions honestly, we would have to acknowledge that the system was never designed to affirm the African child – instead, it was designed to alienate them. Hendrik Verwoerd, the chief architect of Bantu Education, made this explicit: the aim was not ignorance, but subordination. The goal was to mould black African learners into instruments of an anti-black economy: obedient, decontextualised and denied full human dignity. Today, this process continues under different guises. The dominance of English, and the language of 'access', 'efficiency' and 'standardisation' serve as smokescreens for an untransformed system. As Lwazi Lushaba argues, transformation is not about inviting the oppressed into colonial structures, it is about dismantling those structures entirely. Simphiwe Sesanti puts it more plainly: education in Africa must be rooted in African knowledge systems, not superficially adorned with cultural symbols, but fundamentally reimagined. The current curriculum still treats black African identity as a problem to be managed. Learners encounter themselves through distorted lenses: as passive victims of history, as poor but resilient, or as cultural artefacts within a globalised world. This creates a disconnection from learning because the deeper assumptions shaping education in South Africa continue to reflect Western paradigms. The late Kwasi Wiredu offered an alternative: conceptual decolonisation. This is not about token changes, but a radical shift in the frameworks we use to think. We cannot decolonise the curriculum while maintaining the very ideologies that diminish African ways of knowing. We must ask: What counts as knowledge? What is truth? Who is allowed to speak and in what language? Language remains one of the most visible failures of the democratic era. Despite official commitments to multilingualism, English remains the gatekeeper. Learners are often subtly, or even overtly, rewarded for distancing themselves from their mother tongues. Yet, as Mamokgethi Setati and Jill Adler have shown in their work on mathematics classrooms, language is more than a communication tool, it is a way of seeing, knowing, and being. Teaching mathematics or science in a foreign language does not merely slow comprehension; it fragments learners' cognitive and cultural identity. It teaches them that their home languages are suitable for jokes and prayers, but not for physics or philosophy. This is the silent work of coloniality. It does not need to outlaw isiXhosa or Sesotho. It only needs to convince children that these languages are unfit for serious intellectual thought. And in doing so, it teaches them to doubt the value of their own minds. That is why Molefi Kete Asante's call for Afrocentricity is so urgent. Afrocentricity is not nostalgia. It is a reorientation of knowledge production. It demands that African learners are not peripheral observers, but central agents in shaping what knowledge is and how it should be taught. This echoes economist Samir Amin's call for economic delinking from the Global North. In education, we need a similar form of epistemic delinking, a refusal to accept European thought as the universal standard. This also means taking seriously the warnings of J Ndlovu-Gatsheni, who speaks of the 'coloniality of being': the lingering effects of colonialism on how we imagine ourselves and each other long after the colonisers have left. So what are we really commemorating this Youth Day? If we are still schooling our youth into silence, into shame, into intellectual subjugation, then we are not honouring the legacy of 1976, we are betraying it. This moment calls for more than memorial lectures, themed assemblies and hashtags. It calls for rupture. For refusal. For a radical reimagining of education not as a pathway into someone else's world, but as a means of reclaiming our own. We must summon the courage to set aside borrowed tools and begin building with the raw materials of our own histories, languages, and philosophies. Only then, when we begin to rebuild education from the ground up on foundations that affirm African life and thought, can we truly say that we remember. DM
eNCA
5 days ago
- Politics
- eNCA
GBV, poverty, and exclusion haunting young people
JOHANNESBURG - The message from young activists on Youth Day is urgent and unapologetic: This is not a day of celebration, but of defiance. Defiance of a system that continues to fail its youth. Defiance of violence, exclusion, and injustice. The civic organisation, Not In My Name, says it's been 49 years since the Soweto Uprising and 31 years since democracy, but for many young people, especially young Black women, freedom remains a promise unfulfilled. The organisation says the youth are still mourning, still fighting, and still demanding real change.
eNCA
5 days ago
- Politics
- eNCA
Calls for unity as parties hold separate Youth Day events
JOHANNESBURG - Youth Day is rooted in unity, courage, and collective action. Various political parties held gatherings on Monday to mark the event. WATCH: Youth Day | GBV, poverty, and exclusion haunting young people The Soweto Uprising in 1976 marked when more than 10,000 pupils marched against the introduction of Afrikaans as the medium of instruction in schools. They were met by apartheid police, who opened fire on the children with teargas and live ammunition. The image of Hector Peterson being carried by Mbuyisa Makhubo after being shot brought into sharp focus, the violent oppression of black people under apartheid.
