GBV, poverty, and exclusion haunting young people

JOHANNESBURG - The message from young activists on Youth Day is urgent and unapologetic: This is not a day of celebration, but of defiance.
Defiance of a system that continues to fail its youth. Defiance of violence, exclusion, and injustice.
The civic organisation, Not In My Name, says it's been 49 years since the Soweto Uprising and 31 years since democracy, but for many young people, especially young Black women, freedom remains a promise unfulfilled.
The organisation says the youth are still mourning, still fighting, and still demanding real change.

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Learn with AIFact CheckingText to SpeechAI Summary

Related Articles

The Star

an hour ago

• The Star

Confronting racism in our schools

The latest incident of alleged racism at Bryandale Primary School in Bryanston is yet another painful reminder that South African schools still have a long way to go before genuine transformation and inclusion are achieved. It is alleged that an Indian learner told two Black students, 'You stupid Black people are so predictable.' Such language is deeply offensive, dehumanising, and has no place in any learning environment. This incident must be treated with the seriousness it demands, not as a 'playground misunderstanding,' but as a reflection of wider issues of racism and marginalisation that persist in our schools. While many public and private schools proudly promote values of diversity and transformation in their mission statements, these values must go beyond lip service. Transformation is not a passive hope; it requires active, ongoing engagement and institutional introspection. Schools play a critical role in redressing the deep inequalities and marginalisation embedded in our society. They must be proactive in creating safe and affirming environments for all children, not only through symbolic gestures but through deliberate action, anti-racism training, and clear accountability mechanisms. The incident at Bryandale is not isolated. Just two days ago, a Grade 8 learner at De La Salle Holy Cross College was reportedly told, 'You don't belong… go home, you (K-word).' In 2024, Pretoria High School for Girls made headlines after racist WhatsApp messages targeted Black pupils. That same year, Jeppe High School for Girls in Johannesburg came under fire when Black pupils were removed from class for wearing coloured braids, while white pupils with dyed hair faced no repercussions. These are not isolated "bad apples." They reflect systemic failures that schools must urgently address. We call on school governing bodies, education departments, and communities to treat these incidents with the seriousness they deserve. Silence or delay enables racism to fester. We must demand not only awareness but transformation that is measurable, monitored, and real. Because if our schools can't be safe and just spaces for our children, we cannot expect our society to be either. Matthew Cook, GOOD National Chairperson and City of Johannesburg Councillor

IOL News

21 hours ago

• IOL News

National Dialogue 2. 0… the last throw of the dice?

A cartoon by award-winning, Nanda Soobben Image: Nanda Soobben IT IS A common cause that 31 years since the formal demise of apartheid, the promises, great expectations and dreams of democracy are rapidly turning into horrific nightmares for the poor and disadvantaged. At the same time (new and old) elites rule the roost. Socio-economic and spatial inequalities of the apartheid era widened, while the politically-connected continued to accumulate wealth and power at the expense of the poor. Crime and corruption escalate exponentially and are inextricably connected to political elites, global mafia operations of every genre magnetically gravitate to our country, and gender-based violence is a pandemic. South Africa has one of the highest unemployment rates in the world (33%), especially among young adults. The poor have inadequate access to essential services like water, electricity, health care and basic education. Many of these challenges were aggravated by state capture. As highlighted by the Zondo Commission, state capture in South Africa involved the systematic and deliberate subversion of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) for private gain. State capture eroded good governance practices within SOEs and government departments (including law enforcement and intelligence services), decreasing operational performance and effectiveness. This entailed influencing appointments, procurement procedures, governance, and institutional structures to favour specific individuals and organisations. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Key SOEs like Eskom, Transnet, and South African Airways were significantly impacted by state capture, with subsequent multiplier effects on all aspects of South African life, destroying the economy. All these problems and challenges were aggravated during the hegemonic rule and reign of one political party, the ANC. Not surprisingly, some of its senior members were implicated in the State Capture report. Still, no one has yet been convicted because of the hollowing out of capacity in the National Prosecuting Authority. When he was firmly ensconced on the throne, Jacob Zuma repeatedly said that the "ANC will rule until Jesus returns". However, there were some obvious indications that the ANC was haemorrhaging, for example, in the 2021 Local Government Elections, it received 45.59% of the vote. In the May 2024 General Elections, the ANC lost its parliamentary majority, winning 40.18% of the vote. Ironically, Zuma's newly-established uMkhonto weSizwe (MK) Party (while he still claimed to be a disciplined member of the ANC) eroded the support of the ANC, winning 14.58% of the vote. The notion of a National Dialogue entered the public domain against the background of the ANC's declining electoral support. Former president Thabo Mbeki initially proposed a national dialogue in May 2024, where he called for 'seismic reflections". This was endorsed by President Cyril Ramaphosa, who in his inauguration address after the May 2024 national elections, invited 'all parties, civil society, labour, business and other formations to a national dialogue on the critical challenges facing the nation'. President Ramaphosa said: 'By establishing the government of national unity, by preparing for a national dialogue, we have deliberately set ourselves along the path towards a 'co-operation nation.' We would like all of us as South Africans to behave like 'weaver birds'... despite all the challenges, despite our differences, despite all the headwinds.' There is a view that ruling elites have frequently utilised national dialogues to obtain or regain political legitimacy. According to the Geneva-based Inclusive Peace and Transition Initiative: 'National Dialogues are typically convened when the fundamental nature or survival of a government in power is questioned. Thus, they usually intend to redefine the relationship between the state, political actors, and society by negotiating a new social contract.' A national dialogue can be used for peacebuilding and reconciliation to increase confidence and trust amongst national actors, encourage inclusive engagement, and advance agreement on critical social, political, and economic challenges. The "National Dialogue Handbook" defines national dialogues as: 'nationally owned political processes aimed at generating consensus among a broad range of national stakeholders in times of deep political crisis, in post-war situations or during far-reaching political transitions.' The goal is for national leaders (political, business, religious, civil society, sports, etc.) across the ideological spectrum to debate, discuss and encourage inclusive engagement and advance agreement on significant social, political, and economic challenges. It is worth noting that the first National Dialogue was the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA), which took place in Johannesburg in December 1991. It was a critical step in the process of transitioning South Africa from apartheid to a democratic state. Nineteen political organisations participated, including the ruling National Party and the dominant African National Congress (ANC), comprising 228 delegates. Key aspects of CODESA included signing a "Declaration of Intent" committing to negotiations and creating a new, democratic constitution. The parties agreed on the principles of a unified, democratic, and non-racial South Africa, with a supreme constitution and an independent judiciary. CODESA established the foundation for negotiations for a democratic South Africa. While there were many disagreements, CODESA was a crucial step in the process of dismantling apartheid and building a new nation. The procedure was sufficiently adaptable to permit the creation of new forums and committees and modifications to existing ones based on political South Africa's transition from apartheid proceeded (with all its twists and turns), a Multi-Party Negotiating Process (MPNP) was established in March 1993, culminating in the adoption of an interim Constitution and preparations for the country's first non-racial elections. Parties with opposing views had to make substantial concessions during this process. Given the protracted conflict and violent past, the comparatively quiet and orderly democratic transition was praised globally as a miracle. Essential outcomes from the first National Dialogue were the RDP and the Constitution. The National Development Plan (NDP), which presented a long-term vision and goals for South Africa to achieve by 2030, was released in 2012. All three documents can influence outcomes in the National Dialogue 2.0. There is no need to reinvent the wheel. Almost a year since it was initially proposed, on June 10, 2025, Ramaphosa released the names of the Eminent Persons Group to 'guide and champion the National Dialogue.' All the problems in South Africa cannot be solved by national dialogues alone. For a national dialogue to be successful, several challenges must be addressed, including political actors' opposition and resistance to change, a lack of support from groups, persistent violence, crime, corruption, instability, and a lack of inclusivity. The National Dialogue 2.0 should not be about saving the ANC. It is about saving our country. All stakeholders must put their shoulders to the wheel, rise above personal, parochial, and party interests, and put South Africa first. In many respects, National Dialogue 2.0 may well be the last throw of the dice. Brij Maharaj Image: File

IOL News

a day ago

• IOL News

The ethical blind spots in SA's unemployment stats

South Africa's high unemployment also stands out globally. The writer says South Africa's metrics function as biopolitical instruments that perpetuate apartheid-era exclusion by rendering Black economic agency statistically non-existent. Image: File THIS opinion piece responds to former Statistician-General Pali Lehohla's article Debating the Labour Force Survey – A Response to Fourie's Critique. It serves as a rebuttal to his critique of my earlier article, Why Capitec's CEO Is Forcing SA to Rethink Its Unemployment Narrative, in which I argued that South Africa's unemployment figures fail to reflect the lived economic realities of the majority Black population. Lehohla claims that my article has 'amplified the debate' and insists on setting the record straight before it spirals into misinformation and speculation. However, my article did not reject StatsSA data outright. Instead, I argued that South Africa's high unemployment statistics are shaped by a biopolitical statistical system that invisibly erases informal economic activity and Black labour. This is largely due to restrictive measurement methodologies and the active suppression of the informal sector, unlike in other developing countries. I proposed the adoption of hybrid metrics and structural reforms to more accurately capture and support this vital, yet uncounted, segment of the economy. My stance aligns with UCT economist Haroon Bhorat, who engages constructively with Fourie's arguments rather than dismissing them entirely. Lehohla, however, dismisses Fourie's estimate of a 10% unemployment rate — based on informal economic activity — as 'abracadabra', 'lying', and the rant of a 'random businessman who profits from Black communities'. His anger masks a deeper crisis: South Africa's economic measurement system, though methodologically sound, is philosophically ill-equipped to account for the informal, digital, and survivalist nature of the majority-Black workforce. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Lehohla defends StatsSA's unemployment figures based on their adherence to International Labour Organisation (ILO) standards and the Quarterly Labour Force Survey (QLFS). Yet, I argue that this technical rigour obscures vast swaths of economic activity. For instance, a township hairdresser or street vendor without formal records becomes statistically invisible. This creates a profound ethical issue: stark racial disparities in unemployment, with Black South Africans facing an expanded unemployment rate of 40%, compared to just 7% for white South Africans. South Africa's high unemployment also stands out globally. Countries like Mexico (55% informal, 4.5% unemployment) and Nigeria (85% informal, 3.34% unemployment) include self-reported informal work in their statistics. In contrast, South Africa's metrics function as biopolitical instruments that perpetuate apartheid-era exclusion by rendering Black economic agency statistically non-existent. Bhorat notes that UCT's Development Policy Research Unit (DPRU) consistently shows South Africa having one of the highest unemployment rates globally (33.6%), but also one of the lowest informality rates (about 16.3%). He highlights how most emerging economies address unemployment not by creating more formal jobs, but by allowing informal work to flourish. DPRU research further suggests that South Africa's unusually high unemployment is not primarily due to poor job growth or strict labour laws, but because our economy actively suppresses the informal sector. My advice to DPRU is not to shy away from confronting the moral failures or societal consequences that their data may obscure. Lehohla's refusal to engage meaningfully illustrates the difficulty of escaping the grip of orthodox economics and its limitations. Orthodox economics treats the economy — and by extension, social life — as a predictable machine operating in equilibrium. When official statistics diverge from lived experiences, the social contract built on citizens sharing data begins to erode, revealing a deep crisis within the discipline of economics. Unlike Adam Smith — who grounded market value in ethics and social relations in The Theory of Moral Sentiments — modern economics has severed this moral root, prioritising abstract mathematical models over real-world complexity. Joseph Stiglitz warns that GDP-centric metrics obscure true well-being. Persistent youth unemployment amidst trillions of rands in township transactions is not merely an error — it reflects a flawed measurement paradigm. Kenneth Boulding adds that modern economics builds on classical works like The Wealth of Nations and Das Kapital, which contain unrealised 'evolutionary potential' absent in contemporary models. He cautions that excluding economic history from graduate education produces 'idiots savant' — technically proficient economists who lack institutional understanding and historical insight. A balanced synthesis of modern analytical tools and classical wisdom can help bridge this divide, fostering critical engagement with economics as both a technical and humanistic discipline. Lehohla's defence rests on rigid positivism — the belief in the 'holy' authority of statistical processes — yet this glosses over the ethical roots of economic thought. For Smith, wealth was defined by the ability to command others' labour — a social relationship, not a cold data point. Modern economics, however, has decoupled itself from these normative foundations. As Stiglitz points out, most metrics conceal inequality and human suffering, reducing development to arithmetic rather than justice. This philosophical drift is evident in South Africa: while StatsSA reports rising unemployment, Capitec Bank documents over R2 trillion in township transactions — a vibrant economic reality invisible to official instruments. This disconnect signals a deeper crisis in economics. Equilibrium models and optimisation problems eclipse historical nuance, cultural dynamics, and power relations. Boulding warned of this technocratic drift, describing modern economists as technicians fluent in calculus but blind to social texture. In a direct response to me, Lehohla stated: 'There is no legacy to protect on my part, Bhungane (my totem), nor language to polish. When a lie is told, there is no reason to give it a different word. It is simply a 'lie,' and when an argument does not make sense, it is called nonsense in the English language, and when nonsense is given wheels and wings to fly, it is called 'rubbish.' Those who wish to opine should do so from research rather than from a hailer.' While I may not use his hyperbolic or confrontational language, I am neither uninformed nor inexperienced in public discourse. I have an academic and policy track record that makes me far more than 'a hailer.' As many have rightly pointed out, shouting or using aggressive language does not strengthen an argument. We must allow space for multiple viewpoints to ensure inclusive policymaking around poverty, inequality, land reform, and unemployment. Finally, Lehohla attributes South Africa's unique unemployment situation to two key factors: agricultural activity tied to land ownership and high levels of economic concentration. He argues that these factors challenge simplistic international comparisons and emphasise the centrality of the land question in shaping employment outcomes. No. Lehohla is deliberately conflating issues to obscure the fact that his revered unemployment metrics miss the ethical forest for the numerical trees. Siyayibanga le economy! * Siyabonga Hadebe is an independent commentator based in Geneva on socio-economic, political and global matters. ** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL. Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.