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First Post
2 hours ago
- Business
- First Post
Rajnath Singh to visit China for SCO meet, first post-Op Sindoor face-off with Pak minister likely
This will be Rajnath Singh's first overseas trip since India launched Operation Sindoor against Pakistan in May read more Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh will travel to China next week to attend the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Defence Ministers' meet in Qingdao from June 25 to 27. This will be his first overseas trip since India launched Operation Sindoor against Pakistan in May. Interestingly, his Pakistani counterpart Khwaja Asif is also supposed to be present at the summit. India-China working to normalise ties The visit comes as both India and China trudge towards normalisation in their relationship after a protracted period of tensions following deadly clashes in the Himalayas in 2020. Over the past few months, bilateral relations have improved, marked by resumption of trade, travel and dialogue. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD India's Foreign Minister S Jaishankar in April told Network 18 that ties between the two Asian giants were 'much better'. 'The relationship is much better than before. I think the disengagement, particularly the Depsang Demchok, was important,' the EAM said. 'We are now addressing, to some extent, the issues on the border because there has been a force build-up over a period of years. Many other things also happened during this period. Some of it was collateral to the situation, and some of it was a carryover from the Covid era,' he said. This visit by the defence minister also coincides with the resumption of the Kailash Mansarovar Yatra, which has been facilitated by the Chinese authorities. Rajnath Singh will hold bilateral talks with his Chinese counterpart, Admiral Dong Jun, on the sidelines of the SCO summit. India and China are engaged in discussions aimed at further easing border tensions and strengthening bilateral relations. Singh's upcoming meeting follows his earlier interaction with Admiral Dong Jun at the ADMM-Plus summit in Laos, marking their first engagement since the recent border disengagement agreement. This potential visit is part of broader diplomatic efforts to normalise India-China relations, with possible talks on restoring air connectivity, sharing hydrological data, and promoting visa facilitation and people-to-people exchanges. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD During recent discussions in Delhi between Indian Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri and Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Sun Weidong, India had reaffirmed its support for China's presidency of the SCO. Challenges Despite the recent thaw, challenges still persist in Indo-Sino co-operation. One of the major issues is China's open economic and military support to Pakistan. It was not clear whether Singh would bring up the issue during his upcoming interaction with the Chinese authorities.
News18
5 hours ago
- Politics
- News18
Rajnath Singh To Attend SCO Defence Ministers' Meet In China From June 25 To 27
Last Updated: Defence Minister Rajnath Singh will visit China for the SCO Defence Ministers' meet in Qingdao from June 25-27, meeting his Chinese counterpart, Admiral Dong Jun. Defence Minister Rajnath Singh will travel to China to attend the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Defence Ministers' meet in Qingdao from June 25 to 27 in his first such visit since Operation Sindoor. Pakistan Defence Minister Khwaja Asif will also attend the meeting. The visit coincides with India and China working to normalise relations, marked by the resumption of trade, travel, and dialogue. Singh will have bilaterals with his Chinese counterpart, Admiral Dong Jun, on the sidelines of the SCO meet. The meeting is happening at a time when the Kailash Mansarovar Yatra has resumed. Patrolling is happening in Depsang and Demchok. India and China are holding talks to reduce border tensions and enhance bilateral ties. Singh's visit follows his meeting with China's Defence Minister Admiral Dong Jun at the ADMM-Plus summit in Laos, their first interaction after the border disengagement agreement. The potential visit is part of ongoing diplomatic efforts to normalise India-China ties, which may include discussions on reviving the Kailash Mansarovar Yatra, restoring air links, exchanging hydrological data, and enhancing visa and people-to-people exchanges. India reiterated its support for China's SCO presidency during recent talks in Delhi between Indian Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri and Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Sun Weidong.
The Hindu
12 hours ago
- Business
- The Hindu
Rajnath to attend SCO Defence Ministers' meeting in China
In his first such visit since Operation Sindoor, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh will travel to China to attend the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Defence Ministers' meet in Qingdao from June 25 to 27. Pakistan Defence Minister Khwaja Asif too will attend the meeting. The visit comes as India and China take steps to restore ties, including the resumption of trade and travel links as well as dialogue mechanisms. Also Read: Influencing interlocutors: On Operation Sindoor, India's delegations In addition, the Indian pilgrims bound for Kailash-Mansarovar – the first batch to undertake the trip since the 2020 military stand-off and Galwan killings – are also expected to reach their destination at the same time as Mr. Singh's visit to Qingdao. The steps are part of the 'normalisation' process agreed to by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping during their meeting in Kazan in October 2024, after a tense four-year military stand-off on the Line of Actual Control. Both leaders are expected to attend the BRICS summit in Brazil from July 6 to 7, while Mr. Modi has been invited to the SCO Heads of State Summit in Tianjin, China, later this year. Sources said that in Qingdao, which hosts a significant Chinese naval base, Mr. Singh will hold bilateral talks with Chinese Defence Minister Admiral Dong and Russian counterpart Andrey Belousov on the sidelines of the conference. While Mr. Singh had met Admiral Dong during the ASEAN Defence Ministers' Meeting-Plus in Laos last November, this will be their first exchange since the four-day India-Pakistan conflict, where Chinese military hardware support to Pakistan was significant. Mr. Singh is expected to meet other Defence Ministers from the SCO states that also include Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Belarus, while sources said no meeting with the Pakistani Defence Minister is on the cards. SCO members are expected to discuss defence and security cooperation, along with the SCO's special Regional Anti-Terror Structure (RATS) mechanism, during the meeting. As the conflict between Israel and Iran escalates, Mr. Singh's participation at the SCO conference will also be watched closely for India's position. Last week, India disassociated itself from a statement issued by the SCO that had 'strongly condemned' Israel for its strikes on Iran on June 13, and said Israel's 'aggressive actions' on civilian targets and infrastructure were a 'gross violation of international law and the United Nations Charter'. India said it had not been part of the discussion on the statement and issued its own separate statement.
Indian Express
19 hours ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
How India's disavowal of SCO statement signals a new realism in global politics
— Amit Kumar and John Harrison As the Israel-Iran conflict rages on, India has distanced itself from the statement issued by the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) last week, condemning Israel's military strikes on Iran. As one of the most influential members of the SCO, currently chaired by China, India dissociated itself from the statement and said it didn't even participate in the discussion. This diplomatic friction within the 10-member bloc is more than a technical disagreement. It poses a critical question: What does the SCO's statement criticising Israel reveal about China, and what does India's quick withdrawal from it indicate about global politics? The answer opens a window into the dynamics of rising powers, shifting alliances, and the strategic contest to control not just geography, but global narratives. At first glance, the SCO's intervention in the Israel-Iran conflict might seem like a bold assertion of a regional security body stepping up to global relevance. But the deeper context matters. The Israel-Iran relationship has long been defined by hostility, espionage, and proxy warfare. Israel's strikes on June 13, deep into Iranian territory, marked a dangerous escalation in a conflict that often teeters on the edge of a regional war. But why would the SCO – a forum traditionally focused on Central Asian stability and counterterrorism – involve itself in the conflict so visibly? The answer lies in the bloc's new composition, particularly the recent inclusion of Iran as a full member, and more fundamentally, in the growing centrality of China within it. What looks like a gesture of support for a fellow member is, more subtly, a reflection of the SCO's transformation into a geopolitical lever for Chinese diplomacy. By positioning the SCO as a moral counterbalance to Western-aligned military action, it looks like China is seeking to extend the SCO's relevance far beyond its founding mandate. This pivot also suggests that China is attempting to redefine the normative language of international conduct, one that seemingly aligns less with UN charters or US-led alliances and more with a China-centric worldview that selectively invokes sovereignty, non-intervention, and regional stability based on who benefits from the narrative. Behind the SCO's statement lies a bold, if underappreciated, strategy. China is no longer content to merely participate in global forums. It is repurposing them. By mobilising the SCO to speak collectively against Israel, China was not just defending Iran; rather it was testing a model of bloc-based legitimacy that could challenge Western diplomatic hegemony. The symbolism was potent – a group representing over 40 per cent of the world's population speaking in unison against a close US ally. This messaging also marks a subtle recalibration of China's non-interference doctrine. Beijing is no longer sitting on the fence when its strategic partners are involved. Whether by abstaining from condemning the October 7 Hamas attacks or by amplifying Iranian grievances through multilateral forums, China is beginning to act with strategic asymmetry. It remains non-confrontational with the West on its own borders, yet assertive when it comes to Western partners in volatile regions like West Asia. Such moves reveal China's attempt to build a moral alternative to US exceptionalism, not by mimicking Western institutions, but by gradually bending others, like the SCO, into ideological alignment. Through carefully orchestrated diplomatic theater, China is reshaping the perception of who holds the moral high ground, casting itself as a defender of sovereignty and stability against Western chaos. India's prompt disavowal of the SCO statement was neither accidental nor reactionary. It was a calibrated act of diplomatic insulation – a move designed to protect its carefully balanced relationships with both Iran and Israel, while also signalling its discomfort with China's dominance over the SCO's voice. In doing so, India reaffirmed a principle that is becoming the hallmark of its foreign policy in the multipolar age: alignment without entanglement. What makes India's move even more significant is its context within the global narrative competition. China may have tried to portray the SCO condemnation as reflective of a broader anti-Israel, implicitly anti-Western consensus, and India, had it stayed silent, would have been passively co-opted into that message. But India's refusal disrupted the choreography. It showed that multilateralism, in a world of self-confident middle powers, can no longer be orchestrated so easily. Moreover, India's action speaks to a subtle transformation in its global identity. It no longer sees itself as a bridge between East and West, nor as a swing state, but as a sovereign power center shaping its own trajectory in the global order. In distancing itself from the SCO statement, India is rather projecting a future in which it refuses to let other powers define its strategic posture, even within forums it has co-founded or supports. The incident reveals more than a disagreement between two members of a regional bloc. It exposes the tectonic shifts in global governance. China's attempt to manufacture a diplomatic consensus through the SCO is emblematic of a broader ambition. It seeks to build a non-Western geopolitical ecosystem where legitimacy flows from shared grievance, not shared values. In this system, countries like Iran find a voice not because of shared vision, but because of shared opposition to the US-led order. At the same time, India's dissent points to a new realism in global politics. Multipolarity is not about blocs competing with one another. It is about a growing number of states refusing to be defined by any bloc at all. India's stance implies that true global influence now depends on agility, narrative independence, and the ability to defy both Western and Eastern orthodoxy. If China's rise is defined by the repurposing of institutions like the SCO into ideological tools, India's ascent is marked by its refusal to be absorbed into any ideological project, not of its own making. This divergence in strategy, one building a club of allies, the other cultivating freedom of motion, may well define the contours of the coming global order. In trying to turn the SCO into a stage for its foreign policy theatre, China revealed both its growing capabilities and its limitations. While it may script the lines, not all actors will follow. India's silent refusal to play the part it was assigned shows that even in the age of emerging powers, autonomy, not alignment, remains the highest currency of diplomacy. India's disavowal of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation statement on Israel's attack against Iran reaffirmed a principle that is becoming the hallmark of its foreign policy in the multipolar age: alignment without entanglement. Comment. Critically examine the aims and objectives of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. What importance does it hold for India? By positioning the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation as a moral counterbalance to Western-aligned military action, is China seeking to extend the bloc's relevance far beyond its founding mandate? Multipolarity is not about blocs competing with one another. It is about a growing number of states refusing to be defined by any bloc at all. Explain with examples. Virus of Conflict is affecting the functioning of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation; In the light of the above statement point out the role of India in mitigating the problems. (Amit Kumar is a PhD candidate at the Birla Institute of Technology & Science, Pilani, Rajasthan, India. Dr. John Harrison is an Associate Professor at Rabdan Academy, specialising in homeland security.) Share your thoughts and ideas on UPSC Special articles with Subscribe to our UPSC newsletter and stay updated with the news cues from the past week. Stay updated with the latest UPSC articles by joining our Telegram channel – IndianExpress UPSC Hub, and follow us on Instagram and X.
The Wire
a day ago
- Politics
- The Wire
As SCO Condemns Israel for Attack on Iran, India Dissociates Itself from Statement
New Delhi: Underscoring its own unwillingness to criticise Israel, India today (June 14) distanced itself from a statement issued by the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), which strongly condemned Tel Aviv's military strikes on Iran and characterised them as violations of international law and the UN Israeli strikes on June 13 targeted Iranian military and nuclear sites, reportedly killing 78 people, including three senior security officials, the country's top nuclear negotiatior Ali Shamkhani, and causing damage to the Natanz nuclear facility. In response, Iran launched a barrage of ballistic missiles and drones early Saturday, resulting in at least three fatalities and injuring dozens a strongly worded statement today, the SCO said member states had expressed concern and 'strongly condemn' the Israeli strikes.'Such aggressive actions against civilian targets, including energy and transport infrastructure, which have resulted in civilian casualties, are a gross violation of international law and the United Nations Charter. They constitute an infringement on Iran's sovereignty, cause damage to regional and international security, and pose serious risks to global peace and stability,' it said. Iran is also a member of the 10-member grouping. The SCO statement did not indicate that any member had dissociated from it. However, India issued a separate statement almost concurrently, clarifying that it was not part of the SCO's decision-making on this said that its position had been communicated to other SCO members. 'Keeping that in mind, India did not participate in the discussions on the above-mentioned SCO statement,' it noted that India had already articulated in its position on Friday. 'We urge that channels of dialogue and diplomacy be utilised to work towards de-escalation and it is essential that the international community undertake endeavours in that direction,' said the has so far only said that it was 'deeply concerned' at the 'recent developments between Iran and Israel'.The latest MEA statement also noted that External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar had spoken to his Iranian counterpart on Friday, conveying what India described as the international community's 'deep concern' over the situation. He had also urged both sides to avoid further escalation and return to diplomatic channels at the earliest.A day earlier in New York, India abstained on a UN General Assembly resolution calling for a ceasefire in Gaza, marking a reversal from its support for a similar resolution in the same body six months India limited itself to expressing concern, other Asian countries reacted more forcefully to the Israeli foreign minister Takeshi Iwaya issued a statement on Friday condemning Israel's actions in unequivocal terms. The use of military means amid ongoing diplomatic efforts, including US-Iran talks aimed at the peaceful resolution of Iran's nuclear issue, is completely unacceptable and deeply regrettable. The Government of Japan strongly condemns these actions,' he said. While Japan acknowledged Iran's retaliatory response, it did not condemn Tehran, instead expressing concern about the exchange of attacks and calling for also denounced the Israeli strikes, describing them as violations of Iran's sovereignty. 'China is closely following Israel's attacks on Iran and is deeply concerned about the potential grave consequences of the operations,' said Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Lin Jian. He said China opposed actions that 'violate Iran's sovereignty, security and territorial integrity' and called on all sides to avoid further escalation. Beijing currently holds the rotational chairmanship of the Korea expressed 'deep concern over the sharp rise in tensions following Israel's attacks on Iran' and said it 'strongly condemns all actions that destabilize the region'. A foreign ministry spokesperson urged all parties to 'exercise maximum restraint to help de-escalate the situation'.Other Asian countries had more muted responses. Vietnam and the Philippines, both of which have diplomatic relations with Israel, did not issue any public statement. Singapore said it was 'deeply concerned' and urged 'all parties to exercise restraint and to de-escalate'The largest south-east Asian economy, Indonesia, and a country that does not have diplomatic ties with Israel, issued a strong condemnation. Its foreign ministry called Israel's attack on Iran an 'unlawful act' that 'undermines the very foundations of international law'.Malaysian prime minister Anwar Ibrahim posted on X that he condemned 'in the strongest possible terms, the Israeli military strikes in Iran, including targeted attacks that have killed senior Iranian leaders'.'Its clear aim is to sabotage the ongoing negotiations between the United States and Iran. It also comes amid renewed scrutiny of Israel's conduct in Gaza and mounting political pressure on [Israeli Prime Minister] Benjamin Netanyahu,' he wrote.
