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Yahoo
3 days ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Blockades Loom Again as Libya Seeks Global Oil Investment
Given that around 97% of its government revenues come from oil, it might seem obvious to all Libya's principal factions that increasing production is a very good idea. There is plenty of scope to do so, as before the removal of long-time leader Muammar Gaddafi in 2011 it had easily been able to produce around 1.65 million bpd of predominantly high-quality light, sweet crude oil. Additionally positive back then was that production had been on a rising trend, up from about 1.4 million bpd in 2000. Further increases were on the horizon to push output close to the circa-3 million bpd achieved in the late 1960s, with the National Oil Corporation (NOC) planning to roll out enhanced oil recovery techniques at maturing oil fields to that effect. Up until very recently, new plans were progressing well from the 'Strategic Programs Office' (SPO) to boost oil production from the current 1.4 million bpd level up to 1.6 million bpd within a year or so and then to 2 million bpd by 2028/29. However, rising political unrest again threatens not only to derail this process but also to see the imposition of widespread blockades on Libya's existing oil output as well. At the beginning of this year, oil minister Khalifa Abdulsadek stated that the country still required US$3-4 billion to reach the 2026/27 1.6 million bpd production target. Towards this end, early March saw Libya announce plans to launch its first oil exploration bidding round in over 17 years, with 22 areas up for grabs across the country, which still has 48 billion barrels of proved crude oil reserves in place -- the largest in Africa. These include major sites in the Sirte, Murzuq, and Ghadamis basins as well as in the offshore Mediterranean region. According to an update from the Oil Ministry in the middle of last month, the bidding had already attracted more than 40 applicants, including some of the world's biggest and most technologically advanced oil firms. U.S. supermajor ConocoPhillips is one firm that has voiced its interest in expanding its operations in Libya, in which it currently runs the Waha concession. Other interest is likely to come from major firms from Europe, for which Libya has become one country targeted to substitute for lost supplies from Russia due to sanctions resulting from its 2022 invasion of Ukraine, as analysed in full in my latest book on the new global oil market order. These may well include Italy's Eni, Spain's Repsol, Austria's OMV, and the U.K.'s BP, has been told by sources close to the bidding process. Each of these firms were quick to resume exploration activities in Libya following blockades last August that halted around 700,000 bpd of oil production, despite a 10-year hiatus in their activities said, it may be that their patience will be tested again very soon as the possibility of new blockades rises sharply following the 12 May assassination of Abdul Ghani al-Kiklii – a militia leader and head of the Presidential Council-affiliated Stability Support Apparatus (SSA). According to a source who works closely with U.S. diplomatic initiatives in the country, spoken to by last week, al-Kiklii was specifically targeted as retaliation for the shooting of Salaheddin Elnajih, chairman of the Libyan Post Telecommunications and Information Technology Company and an appointee of the Tripoli-based Government of National Unity (GNU) Prime Minister, Abdulhamid Dbeibah. The GNU is the successor to the previous Government of National Accord (GNA). More broadly, the killing has been seen by rival factions as part of ongoing manoeuvres by Dbeibah and his supporters to consolidate his power through the elimination of key rivals in his main opposition groups. Following all this, it remains to be seen precisely how these opposition groups will react, but it is unlikely to portend well for the GNU government's plans to boost oil production. One group in particular may believe that the timing is right to launch another major offensive, political, economic and/or military, against the GNU, and this is Libya's alternative government – the Government of National Stability (GNS), based in the east – which in turn is backed by Khalifa Haftar, the leader of the Libyan National Army. Early signs of trouble ahead was a report on 28 May that the NOC's headquarters in the GNU-controlled Tripoli had been stormed by gunmen, although the NOC later bizarrely said that this had only been 'a limited personal dispute'. Nonetheless, shortly after the GNS's Haftar threatened to declare blockades of key Libyan oil fields again due to such attacks on institutions such as the NOC and suggested that its headquarters be moved into the eastern area – controlled by the GNS and his army – which would be 'safe'. He has made it clear since an agreement signed on 18 September 2020 that there can be no reconciliation in Libya between the opposing GNU and GNS governments so long as there is no sustainable equitable way for the country's oil revenues to be distributed between the rival groups. More specifically, at the time of signing the 2020 agreement that ended an economically devastating series of oil blockades across Libya, Haftar and his opposite number from the then-GNA at the signing, Ahmed Maiteeq, made an in-principle agreement to look into establishing a commission not only to determine how oil revenues across Libya are distributed but also to consider the implementation of several measures designed to stabilise the country's perilous financial position. The blockade from 18 January to 18 September cost the country at least US$9.8 billion in lost hydrocarbons revenues. Key to this tentative agreement was the formation of a joint technical committee, which would – according to the official statement: 'Oversee oil revenues and ensure the fair distribution of resources… and control the implementation of the terms of the agreement during the next three months, provided that its work is evaluated at the end of the 2020 and a plan is defined for the next year.' In order to address the fact that the then-GNA – and now GNU -- effectively held sway over the NOC and, by extension, the Central Bank of Libya (in which the revenues are physically held), the committee would also 'prepare a unified budget that meets the needs of each party… and the reconciliation of any dispute over budget allocations… and will require the Central Bank [in Tripoli] to cover the monthly or quarterly payments approved in the budget without any delay, and as soon as the joint technical committee requests the transfer.' Due to the influence of various domestic and international disruptive elements – notably Russia – since that idea was mooted it has never been properly implemented. However, there is still hope from several quarters – including the U.S. and U.N. – that such a deal could work well, and indeed that it might still be able to solve the ongoing impasse over the country's oil and gas revenues. In the meantime and in the absence of such a deal, it looks highly likely that Libya will remain subject to further oil blockades and shutdowns as part of the ongoing struggle its warring factions for control over Libya's oil resources. By Simon Watkins for More Top Reads From this article on Sign in to access your portfolio
The Hindu
03-06-2025
- General
- The Hindu
No contempt if Parliament, legislatures simply make laws: Supreme Court
The Supreme Court has said any law made by Parliament or a State legislature cannot be held to contempt of court. A Bench comprising Justices B.V. Nagarathna and Satish Chandra Sharma made the observation while disposing of a 2012 contempt plea filed by sociologist and former Delhi University professor Nandini Sundar and others. The contempt plea alleged failure of the Chhattisgarh government to comply with its 2011 directions to stop support to vigilante groups such as Salwa Judum and arming tribals in the name of special police officers (SPO) in the fight against Maoists. The petition contended that there has been contempt of the order of the apex court as the Chhattisgarh government has legislated the Chhattisgarh Auxiliary Armed Police Force Act, 2011 which authorised an auxiliary armed force to assist security forces in dealing with Maoist/Naxal violence and legalising existing SPOs by inducting them as members. Besides accusing the Chhattisgarh government of not acknowledging the directions on Salwa Judum, the petitioners said instead of "desisting" from using SPOs and disarming them, the State government passed the "Chhattisgarh Auxiliary Armed Police Force Act, 2011" regularising all SPOs with effect from the date of the top court order on July 5, 2011. They alleged that the State government has also not vacated all school buildings and ashrams from the occupation of the security forces nor has it compensated the victims of Salwa Judum and SPOs. The top court on May 15 said the passing of an enactment subsequent to the order passed by the top court by Chhattisgarh cannot be an act of contempt. Delicate balance The top court said in order to ensure that rule of law permeates to fulfil constitutional objectives of establishing an egalitarian social order, the balance between the respective sovereign functionaries must always be delicately maintained. "Every State Legislature has plenary powers to pass an enactment and so long as the said enactment has not been declared to be ultra vires the Constitution or, in any way, null and void by a constitutional court, the said enactment would have the force of law." The Bench added, "However, if any party wishes that the said Act be struck down for being unconstitutional, then legal remedies in that regard would have to be resorted to before the competent court of law." Considering the situation prevailing in Chhattisgarh over decades, the Bench outlined the need for "specific steps" to bring peace and rehabilitation in the affected areas through coordinated measures of the State and the Central government. "It is the duty of the State of Chhattisgarh as well as the Union of India, having regard to Article 315 of the Constitution, to take adequate steps for bringing about peace and rehabilitation to the residents of State of Chhattisgarh who have been affected by the violence from whatever quarter it may have arisen," the court said. Judiciary is vested under the Constitution with the power to resolve interpretive doubts and disputes about the validity or otherwise of an enacted law by Parliament or any state legislature, the Bench added. "However, the interpretative power of a constitutional court does not contemplate a situation of declaring exercise of legislative functions and passing of an enactment as an instance of a contempt of a court," it noted. The verdict pointed out that central to the legislative function was the power of the legislative organ to enact and amend laws. "Any law made by the Parliament or a State legislature cannot be held to be an act of contempt of a court, including this court, for simply making the law," the Bench said. The top court underlined the legislature's powers to pass a law; to remove the basis of a judgment or in the alternative, validate a law which has been struck down by a constitutional court by amending or varying it so as to give effect to the judgment of a constitutional court which has struck down a portion of an enactment or for that matter the entire enactment. "This is the core of the doctrine of separation of powers and must always be acknowledged in a constitutional democracy such as ours. This doctrine also emphasises on the principle of checks and balances under our Constitution which is a healthy aspect of distribution of powers, particularly legislative powers." The order went on, "Any piece of legislation enacted by a legislature can be assailed within the manner known to law and that is by mounting a challenge against its validity on the twin prongs of legislative competence or constitutional validity."
Time of India
03-06-2025
- Business
- Time of India
No contempt of court if Parliament, state legislature simply make laws: Supreme Court
Live Events (You can now subscribe to our (You can now subscribe to our Economic Times WhatsApp channel The Supreme Court has said any law made by Parliament or a state legislature cannot be held to contempt of court A bench comprising Justices B V Nagarathna and Satish Chandra Sharma made the observation while disposing of a 2012 contempt plea filed by sociologist and former Delhi University professor Nandini Sundar and contempt plea alleged failure of the Chhattisgarh government to comply with its 2011 directions to stop support to vigilante groups like Salwa Judum and arming tribals in the name of special police officers (SPO) in the fight against petition contended that there has been contempt of the order of the apex court as the Chhattisgarh government has legislated the Chhattisgarh Auxiliary Armed Police Force Act, 2011 which authorised an auxiliary armed force to assist security forces in dealing with Maoist/Naxal violence and legalising existing SPOs by inducting them as accusing the Chhattisgarh Government of not acknowledging the directions on Salwa Judum, the petitioners said instead of "desisting" from using SPOs and disarming them, the state government passed the "Chhattisgarh Auxiliary Armed Police Force Act, 2011" regularising all SPOs with effect from the date of the top court order on July 5, alleged that state government has also not vacated all school buildings and ashrams from the occupation of the security force nor has it compensated the victims of Salwa Judum and top court on May 15 said that the passing of an enactment subsequent to the order passed by the top court by Chhattisgarh cannot be an act of top court said in order to ensure that rule of law permeates to fulfil constitutional objectives of establishing an egalitarian social order, the balance between the respective sovereign functionaries must always be delicately maintained."Every State Legislature has plenary powers to pass an enactment and so long as the said enactment has not been declared to be ultra vires the Constitution or, in any way, null and void by a Constitutional Court, the said enactment would have the force of law."The bench added, "However, if any party wishes that the said Act be struck down for being unconstitutional, then legal remedies in that regard would have to be resorted to before the competent court of law."Considering the situation prevailing in Chhattisgarh over decades, the bench outlined the need for "specific steps" to bring peace and rehabilitation in the affected areas through coordinated measures of the state and the Central Government."It is duty of the State of Chhattisgarh as well as the Union of India , having regard to Article 315 of the Constitution, to take adequate steps for bringing about peace and rehabilitation to the residents of State of Chhattisgarh who have been affected by the violence from whatever quarter it may have arisen," the court is vested under the Constitution with the power to resolve interpretive doubts and disputes about the validity or otherwise of an enacted law by Parliament or any state legislature, the bench added."However, the interpretative power of a Constitutional Court does not contemplate a situation of declaring exercise of legislative functions and passing of an enactment as an instance of a contempt of a Court," it verdict pointed out that central to the legislative function was the power of the legislative organ to enact and amend laws."Any law made by the Parliament or a State legislature cannot be held to be an act of contempt of a Court, including this Court, for simply making the law," the bench top court underlined the legislature's powers to pass a law; to remove the basis of a judgment or in the alternative, validate a law which has been struck down by a constitutional court by amending or varying it so as to give effect to the judgment of a constitutional court which has struck down a portion of an enactment or for that matter the entire enactment."This is the core of the doctrine of separation of powers and must always be acknowledged in a constitutional democracy such as ours. This doctrine also emphasises on the principle of checks and balances under our Constitution which is a healthy aspect of distribution of powers, particularly legislative powers."The order went on, "Any piece of legislation enacted by a legislature can be assailed within the manner known to law and that is by mounting a challenge against its validity on the twin prongs of legislative competence or constitutional validity ."
Korea Herald
27-05-2025
- Entertainment
- Korea Herald
Conducting across borders: Roderick Cox makes Asia debut with visionary Shostakovich performance
American conductor set to lead SPO in performing William Kentridge's 'Shostakovich 10: Oh To Believe in Another World' Roderick Cox, a rising American conductor based in Berlin, is set to make his long-anticipated Asia debut with the Seoul Philharmonic Orchestra on May 30, leading a performance of 'Shostakovich 10: Oh To Believe in Another World' — a visually reimagined rendition of Shostakovich's Symphony No. 10 by renowned South African artist William Kentridge. Cox, making his first appearance in the region, was drawn to the project not only by his long-standing affinity for Shostakovich, but also by curiosity sparked by the interdisciplinary nature of the work. 'Sometimes one can be quite cautious when pairing a great symphony with something else — a piece of art that already stands powerfully on its own,' he said during an interview Tuesday at GS Arts Center in Seoul. 'But in this case, it looked very interesting, very new and something that could be very intriguing for our new audiences in 2025." While Cox has previously worked on programs that included video elements aimed at reaching younger listeners, this marks his first experience with a full-scale visual collaboration of its kind. Behind the orchestra, Kentridge's film — featuring cardboard sets, cut-out masks and stop-motion animation — creates a constructivist aesthetic that echoes the stark imagery of Stalinist Russia. 'I think it's fascinating when you can engage multiple senses — to hear and see simultaneously. Maybe it allows for deeper connections, especially for those already familiar with this work. I'm looking forward to exploring that shared experience with our audience,' Cox added. Still, Cox acknowledged with a laugh — and a note of concern — that the immersive visual setting might present an unusual challenge. 'I'm hoping that the video is not so interesting that it takes my focus off the actual music,' he said. 'Because performing Shostakovich's music requires such intensity, focus and concentration to really enter into this dark world the composer is conveying.' Cox's career took off after winning the 2018 Sir Georg Solti Conducting Award, one of the most prestigious honors for young conductors in the United States. The award provided him with international mentorship and the opportunity to expand his artistic horizons across Europe. He has since led performances with major orchestras and opera houses and is now the director of Opera National Montpellier Occitanie in France. Raised in Macon, Georgia, Cox first encountered classical music through public school and community programs at the age of 8. Initially planning to become a teacher, he became intrigued by conducting in high school after watching his instructors shape sound and guide ensembles with physical gestures. 'I remember thinking, 'I want to do that,'' he recalled. That early exposure gave him time to internalize the physical language of conducting before settling into fixed habits. 'Just like with an instrument, the earlier you start, the more natural it becomes.' He went on to study at Northwestern University, where two key mentors — Mallory Thompson and Victor Yampolsky — shaped his path. Yampolsky, in particular, encouraged him to take conducting seriously and pursue it professionally. Cox admitted that he was in a bubble while studying. Pointing out that the majority of his most influential teachers were female, he later found it surprising that there was an issue of a shortage of female conductors. Thompson, he recalled, always told him to never ever think he got or did not get an opportunity because of his identity. 'I think that sort of training at an early age really helped me not dismiss my identity or forget about it, but really focus on the music and the art and trying to be the best artist I can be,' he added. Cox later served as assistant conductor at the Minnesota Orchestra under music director Osmo Vanska, further refining his skills in front of a top-tier ensemble. Vansaka served as the music director of the SPO from 2020 to 2022. Having once received support from a local foundation when he chose to pursue music, Cox felt compelled to pay it forward. Nearly two decades later, he founded the Roderick Cox Music Initiative — a nonprofit that offers scholarships and mentorship to young musicians from historically underrepresented communities. 'It's about opening doors,' he says, 'for students who might not otherwise see a place for themselves in classical music.' gypark@
DW
22-05-2025
- Politics
- DW
EU eyes action over Hungary's planned Russian-style law – DW – 05/21/2025
Can the EU rein in the Hungarian government and discourage it once again from pushing through a "transparency law" that critics say amounts to a crackdown on activists and media? Tens of thousands of Hungarians took to the streets over the weekend after the Hungarian government tabled new legislation to monitor foreign funding for NGOs and media outlets or anyone deemed a threat to what it sees as Hungarian sovereign interest. The bill is labeled "Transparency of Public Life' and the government says it is aimed at protecting Hungary's sovereignty from outside interference. But activists say it mimics Russia's foreign agent law and would similarly offer the Hungarian government sweeping powers to crack down on the press and critical voices in civil society. The protests are the latest cry for help from Hungarians looking at the European Union to rein in their government. Some of the protesters in front of the parliament in the Hungarian capital Budapest held a big flag of the European Union imprinted with the English word HELP. Hungarians want the EU to notice how their government is violating the EU's values and rein it in. Image: Ferenc Isza/AFP What is Hungary's new 'transparency law?' If the draft bill were to turn into law, activists say, the government could control media outlets and NGOs or even dissolve them. In December 2023, Hungary passed a national law on the "Defence of Sovereignty" and established what it called a Sovereignty Protection Office (SPO) to investigate organizations that use foreign funds to influence voters. With the new law, that agency will be responsible for investigating all kinds of organizations and authorized to blacklist those who receive foreign funding without prior government approval. If blacklisted, organizations will also lose access to donations through Hungary's annual 1% income tax contribution scheme, potentially pay a fine of 25 times these funds, and their owners will be made to declare their assets. Reports suggest that the country's secret services have been authorized to assist SPO in any investigations. Tineke Strik, Hungary rapporteur of the European Parliament, told DW that Hungary's transparency bill was aimed at "dissolving all organizations, all media outlets, even punishing all individuals, that criticize the government. That is exactly what the Russian law does." Russia's foreign agent law was adopted in mid-2022, in what human right organizations described as a smear campaign to discredit legitimate Russian civic activism. "The law expands the definition of foreign agent to a point at which almost any person or entity, regardless of nationality or location, who engages in civic activism or even expresses opinions about Russian policies or officials' conduct could be designated a foreign agent, so long as the authorities claim they are under 'foreign influence,'" the NGO Human Rights Watch said. DW speaks with Viktor Orban's main rival, Peter Magyar To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Hungary's 'transparency' bill 'authoritarian' Peter Magyar, the leader of Hungary's opposition Tisza party and the only Hungarian politician seen to be a credible challenger to Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban's 14-year grip on power, also accused the government of adopting Russian-style legislation to strip funding for activists and journalists, including through EU grants. He said it was "copying its master, [Russian President ] Vladimir Putin." A statement signed by 300 international organizations including the human rights organization Amnesty International described the bill as an "authoritarian attempt to retain power" that "aims to silence all critical voices and to eliminate what remains of Hungarian democracy." The non-profit group Transparency International said the new bill threatened to "end civil society" and, if passed, would empower the government to "persecute with impunity." It said the law would apply to EU grants and foreign donations as small as €5 ($5.70), and that "vague language" adopted in the bill left "wide room for political misuse, threatening a broad swath of civil society — including independent media, watchdog organizations, and ordinary citizens engaged in public life." Last year, Georgia adopted a similar law amidst much uproar at home and in Brussels. The move is suspected to have scuttled the country's chances of joining the EU. But while Georgia is an EU candidate nation, Hungary is a full-fledged member of the bloc. Anger in Hungary at Pride ban and restriction of freedoms To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video How can EU ensure Hungary aligns with the bloc's value system? Zsuzsanna Vegh, a program officer at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, said that theoretically the EU could move ahead with the Article 7 procedure it first initiated in 2018. The Treaty on the European Union outlines a procedure for addressing serious and persistent breaches of EU values by member states underArticle 7 . It allows for the suspension of certain rights, including voting rights in the Council of the European Union, if a member is determined to be in repeated violations of the EU's fundamental principles, such as weakening rule of law, democracy and freedoms. "The EU could declare that there is indeed systematic violation of democracy and rule of law in Hungary and suspend its voting rights" in the Council of the European Union, where the bloc debates and decides its policies, Vegh said. "But that is still a political decision and it is unlikely." In April, Hungarians protested against a government decision to ban gay pride marches. Image: Peter Kohalmi/AFP/Getty Images Some European parliamentarians have advocated that the EU slash Hungary's funding to force it to reduce corruption that has an adverse impact on the EU's financial interests. But experts say the same method could also be effective in encouraging Hungary to stick to the EU's value system. "We urge the European Commission to increase pressure on Viktor Orban's government to cease violating EU values and EU Laws by immediately suspending all EU funding for Hungary in line with the applicable legislation to protect the Union's financial interest," more than two dozen EU parliamentarians wrote in a letter to the European Commission on May 20. Vegh said that while some funds for Hungary had already been cut there was no precedent of the EU cutting all funding marked for a member state. However, Teona Lavrelashvili, a visiting fellow with the Wilfried Martens Center in Brussels, said this could be done. "Yes, the European Union can suspend funds to Hungary if its new transparency bill — or any law — undermines the rule of law or threatens the EU's financial interests. This power comes from the Rule of Law Conditionality Mechanism." She contended that a law that weakens civil society also undermines the EU's overall economic interests. Some experts argue that the EU could suspend Hungary's voting rights to teach it a lesson and make it align with the EU's value system, but that is still seen as a step too far. Image: Geert Vanden Wijngaert/AP Photo/picture alliance What can the EU do next? The EU also has other options that it can resort to before cutting funds intended to aid economic development in Hungary and thus to benefit the general population. Back in 2017, it managed to dissuade Hungary from introducing a similar transparency law by initiating an infringement procedure, a multilayered process through which the EU expressed its displeasure to Hungary. Upon no change in Budapest's attitudes, Brussels eventually took Hungary to the Court of Justice of the European Union (EU) The court concluded that Hungary had "introduced discriminatory and unjustified restrictions on foreign donations to civil society organizations." Since the new bill was tabled last week, the EU has refrained from scolding Hungary and merely said it is waiting to see whether it is enacted into law. Vegh believes another infringement procedure is the EU's likely next step. But the fact that Hungary is trying to push through the law again, may require the EU to change its approach and take a more stern stand. Edited by: A. Thomas
