Latest news with #Representation
Time of India
11-06-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Quota sub-categorisation ensures marginalised get their share: CJI B R Gavai
NEW DELHI: Nearly a year after penning the seven-judge Supreme Court bench's majority view favouring sub-categorisation of Scheduled Caste quota, India's second Dalit CJI B R Gavai has said the ruling ensured that the most backward among Dalits got a fair share in public employment and admissions to govt educational institutions. Speaking at the Oxford Union on 'From Representation to Realisation: Embodying the Constitution's Promise' on Tuesday night, CJI Gavai stepped into the rare zone of a judge explaining his judgment in public. The seven-judge bench judgment, authored by Justice Gavai, had on Aug 1 last year permitted states to sub-categorise castes within SC communities based on socio-economic backwardness and the degree of under-representation in govt jobs to ensure that the larger pie of 15% quota went to the most backward. The court had asked govts to devise suitable criteria to bar the 'creamy layer' among the SCs from availing reservation. The logic behind the court's suggestion for keeping out the 'creamy layer' was that the children of civil servants and others from among the SCs, who had moved up on the socio-economic ladder and received good education, were not deserving of quotas. In his speech, CJI Gavai said the apex court's decision to uphold the principle of sub-classification within quotas for SCs "was not to question the relevance or success of reservations, but to ensure that the most marginalised within marginalised groups receive their fair share". He said many decades ago, millions of citizens of India were called untouchables, but the country had marched ahead and "here we are today, where a person belonging to those very (untouchable) people is speaking openly, as the holder of the highest office in the judiciary of the country". "This is what the Constitution of India did. It told the people of India that they belong, that they can speak for themselves, and that they have an equal place in every sphere of society and power," he said, adding that it was possible because the prime architect of the Constitution, Dr B R Ambedkar, made inclusivity and equality the bedrock of constitutional values and guarantees.
Online Citizen
27-05-2025
- Politics
- Online Citizen
Over 5,100 sign online petition calling for electoral reforms in Singapore
SINGAPORE: An online petition launched by Chee Soon Juan, Secretary-General of the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP), has gained more than 5,110 endorsements from members of the public as of 3 pm on 27 May 2025. The petition, which calls for wide-ranging electoral reforms, was unveiled during a press conference on 18 May. Chee described the initiative as non-partisan and aimed at addressing long-standing concerns about fairness and transparency in Singapore's political system. 'These are foundational principles of good governance and democratic integrity,' he said. Hosted on the petition outlines six major proposals for reform. Petition lists six proposals to enhance electoral transparency, media freedom, and boundary fairness Chief among them is the removal of the Elections Department from the Prime Minister's Office, intended to ensure impartial oversight of electoral processes. Another key proposal is the abolition of the Group Representation Constituency (GRC) system, which the SDP argues facilitates gerrymandering and disadvantages opposition candidates. The petition also calls for a minimum campaign period of three weeks to give voters ample time to evaluate party platforms and candidates' policies. Additionally, it proposes a mandatory six-month buffer between the release of new electoral boundaries and the dissolution of Parliament. The petition further advocates for the revision of the Newspaper and Printing Presses Act to support independent media, and the creation of an impartial Electoral Boundaries Review Committee. As of 23 May, the petition had already garnered over 4,800 signatures, reflecting growing public interest in the issue following the recent General Election. Concerns about election conduct During the 18 May press conference, Chee sharply criticised the conduct of the 2025 General Election. He characterised the election as a 'smash-and-grab' operation carried out with 'unseemly haste' by the ruling People's Action Party (PAP). He stated that the compressed campaign timeline left voters with inadequate time to absorb the issues at hand. This concern was especially pronounced among younger and first-time voters, who reportedly felt overwhelmed and disoriented. 'The electorate hardly had time to grasp the weighty national concerns that affect our society,' he said. Chee emphasised that these problems point to systemic flaws within the electoral framework and that the petition was not a reactionary move but a principled push for deeper reform. He also spoke on the disruptive impact of sudden boundary changes ahead of the election. The dissolution of Bukit Batok SMC—a constituency where he had campaigned for nearly a decade—forced him to contest in the newly formed Sembawang West SMC. In the closely fought contest, Chee received 46.82% of the vote, narrowly losing to PAP's Poh Li San. The result made it the third-closest race of the election. Chee argued that such abrupt constituency changes hinder both candidates and residents, eroding community bonds and voter engagement. He reiterated that an independent and transparent approach to boundary delineation is crucial to preserving public trust in the electoral system.
Vogue
18-05-2025
- Entertainment
- Vogue
In Netflix's ‘Forever,' a Love Letter to Black Girlhood
When I was growing up in the '90s, there were plenty of Black characters on TV, but Brandy's Moesha Mitchell—a writer from Los Angeles who wore braids and carried a whole lot on her mind—was the one who felt like me. I was always imaginative and ambitious but didn't know how to channel those things. I wanted to be a writer but didn't think it was possible. But then I watched Maya Angelou guest star on Moesha, and I read Still, I Rise. Suddenly, I saw myself reflected in a way I hadn't before. It was the first time I felt seen—not just as the Black girl, but as someone with depth, creativity, and something tangible to offer the world. Years later, watching Lovie Simone as Keisha in Netflix's Forever has conjured a similar feeling. When I clicked play on the first episode of the series—producer and screenwriter Mara Brock Akil's adaptation of Judy Blume's 1975 novel of the same name—I didn't expect to be in tears at 2 a.m. But now, it strikes me as one of the best portrayals of Black girlhood I've seen in a long time. (Happily, it's already been renewed for a second season.) There aren't many shows out there right now for young Black girls. Before and certainly after the Grown-ish era ended last year, a noticeable gap emerged in coming-of-age stories centering Black characters. (We've come a long way from the UPN days, when Countess Vaughn, Kyla Pratt, and Essence Atkins all led their own shows.) As networks have doubled down on reality TV or leaned into reboots, investment in fresh stories about Black youth has become rare. Yes, we have Euphoria, an acclaimed and wildly popular show with Zendaya as a Black teenage lead. But Rue's story is rooted in addiction, mental illness, and survival—more reflective of an adult world than the everyday experiences of Black teens. Forever shifts the narrative, making a young Black girl's experiences with love, guilt, hope, and heartbreak feel worthy, even urgent. A teen from Los Angeles living with her single mom, Keisha is a student-athlete with her mind set on Howard University, caught in that uncertain space between who she is and who she hopes to become. She's also trying to piece herself back together after a betrayal that would hurt anyone: an ex leaks their sex tape.
Hindustan Times
16-05-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Singapore's election 2025: Continuity, change, and democratic limits
With the 2025 general election, the city-State's political trajectory reached a critical point under Lawrence Wong's premiership. Even as the People's Action Party (PAP) retained power, the election reflected changing voter expectations, opposition resilience, and the challenges of greater political liberalisation in a controlled democracy. A comparison of the 2025 election with the previous ones in 2015 and 2020 provides insight into both the continuity and subtle shifts within Singapore's political landscape. The use of Group Representation Constituencies (GRC), restrictions on media, and limited campaign periods raise concerns about fairness. These institutional mechanisms, unchanged in 2025, contribute to the PAP's dominance. The Electoral Boundaries Review Committee, appointed by the Prime Minister (PM)'s Office, has frequently redrawn constituencies in ways that critics argue disadvantage opposition strongholds—an issue consistent across all three elections. A significant difference between 2025 and earlier elections lies in leadership. PM Lawrence Wong, who took office in 2022, led the PAP into a general election for the first time. In contrast, Lee Hsien Loong had led the party during the 2006, 2011, 2015, and 2020 elections. Wong's leadership was a test of whether the PAP's fourth-generation (4G) team could command the same level of trust and legitimacy among the voters. While the PAP's slight vote recovery in 2025 indicates some voter confidence in Wong's leadership, it is equally plausible that the electorate was motivated by fears of instability amidst global economic headwinds. The Covid-19 pandemic, political corruption scandals, and rising geopolitical tensions between the US and China all formed the backdrop for 2025. Wong campaigned on issues of continuity and stability, but his popularity is yet to match Lee Kuan Yew or even Lee Hsien Loong. This suggests a future vulnerability for the PAP if governance challenges mount. The Workers' Party (WP), widely seen as the most credible opposition force, retained 10 elected seats in 2025. Including two Non-Constituency Member of Parliament (NCMP) seats, its total parliamentary representation stood at 12—identical to 2020. This marked a plateau in opposition gains, despite a more professional campaign, growing youth support, and targeted messaging on the cost of living, housing, and transparency. Smaller opposition parties, such as the Progress Singapore Party (PSP), which made headlines in 2020 with the entry of former PAP MP Tan Cheng Bock, struggled to gain traction in 2025. This reflects a consolidation of opposition support around the WP, but also public scepticism about lesser-known challengers lacking parliamentary experience. Many of the concerns in 2025 mirrored those of the 2020 election—cost of living, income inequality, job security, and housing affordability. However, these issues were framed more sharply due to inflationary pressures and a volatile global economy. The PAP attempted to assure voters of its economic stewardship, while the opposition capitalised on growing discontent, especially among younger voters facing stagnant wages and high home prices. Another critical theme for 2025 was governance and integrity. The PAP's long-standing image of incorruptibility has come under stress through a series of scandals. Notably, former transport minister S Iswaran was charged with corruption in 2024—the first such case in decades. Additionally, public backlash erupted over ministers' interactions with a convicted money launderer, further eroding public trust. These events echoed concerns raised in 2011 about ministerial salaries and the arrogance of the elite, but they struck harder in 2025 because they contradicted the PAP's post-2020 reformist image. While the party took swift action to discipline members involved, opposition parties framed these incidents as signs of systemic opacity. The WP's call for more robust institutional checks and balances resonated in this context but fell short of tipping the electoral scale. The 2025 election also highlighted demographic shifts in political attitudes. Young voters, particularly those aged 21–35, expressed growing frustration with the status quo. While many still supported the PAP for pragmatic reasons, surveys indicated increasing openness to diverse political voices. The WP's messaging on sustainability, education reforms, and political diversity aligned well with the youth. However, overall, voter behaviour still remained cautious. Unlike in western democracies, where political polarisation can lead to major power shifts, Singaporean voters tend to favour incremental change within a secure political framework. This dynamic, seen clearly in the cautious expansion of opposition seats in both 2020 and 2025, reveals a political culture that values competence over ideology—a double-edged sword for reform. Voter turnout in 2025 stood at 93.1%, comparable to 95.6% in 2020 and 93.6% in 2015, reflecting continued high civic engagement. However, voter sentiment appeared more subdued. The 2015 election was energised by the passing of founding father Lee Kuan Yew, while 2020 was marked by pandemic-related uncertainty and a digital-heavy campaign. In contrast, 2025 saw a more technocratic and policy-driven campaign, with fewer emotional appeals and a greater focus on technocratic competence. Innovative use of social media platforms is another defining feature of the 2025 general election in the country. Singapore's political system has long been characterised by stability, centralised power, limited opposition, and a cautious electorate. Yet, when compared to 2015 and 2020, it also revealed signs of political maturity. The electorate is becoming more discerning, less deferential, and more concerned about accountability. The PAP's dominance, while still overwhelming, is now contingent on its ability to maintain transparency and manage socioeconomic tensions while also maintaining high economic growth. Whether Singapore moves toward a more pluralistic political model or maintains the status quo will depend on how both the ruling party and opposition respond to transforming public expectations. The 2025 election may not have radically altered the political map, but it sets the stage for deeper questions about governance, legitimacy, and the future of democracy in one of Asia's most successful yet tightly managed States. This article is authored by Rahul Mishra, associate professor, Centre for Indo-Pacific Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, and senior research fellow, Thammasat University, Thailand.
The Hindu
15-05-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
Kerala Chief Election Commissioner orders police probe against G. Sudhakaran over alleged 1989 postal ballot tampering
Chief Election Commissioner of Kerala, Rathan U. Kelkar, on Thursday (May 15, 2025) ordered a criminal investigation into veteran Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI(M)] leader and former Minister G. Sudhakaran's statement that office-bearers of service organisations supporting his party had tampered with postal ballots to benefit the Left Democratic Front (LDF) candidate K. Devadas, who was contesting from the Alappuzha Lok Sabha constituency in 1989. Mr Khelkar stated that the Election Commission of India (ECI) had taken a serious view of the media reports regarding Mr Sudhakaran's controversial statement in Alappuzha. Mr Sudhakaran was the CPI(M)'s election commission secretary then. He said the party used the help of its service organisation members to collect postal ballots allotted to government staff on election duty. Mr Sudhakaran claimed that pro-CPI(M) service members tore open the postal ballots and altered 15% of the votes cast by government officials for the opposing candidate. He had also dared the ECI to register a case against him. The CEC directed the police to register a case under Sections 136 and 128 of the Representation of the People's Act 1951 and relevant provisions of the Bharathiya Nyaya Samhita immediately. He also sought a report from the District Election Officer, Alappuzha. Opposition parties had also demanded an investigation based on Mr Sudhakaran's claim.
