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Al Jazeera
4 days ago
- Politics
- Al Jazeera
Are commercial interests driving Uganda's military operations in DR Congo?
Kampala, Uganda – It was June 5 when Ugandan soldiers arrived in Kasenyi, a town on the shores of Lake Albert in Ituri province in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Uganda's army chief, General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, posted a video on X showing what he said were residents 'enthusiastically' welcoming the soldiers, as Chris Magezi, an aide to Kainerugaba and at the time acting spokesperson for Uganda's People's Defence Forces (UPDF) said the army had 'occupied' it together with another Congolese town, Tchomia. When Kampala first deployed troops to eastern DRC in November 2021, they were in pursuit of the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), a rebel group with Ugandan roots whose strongholds were located in Beni territory, in DRC's North Kivu province. The group initially fought against the Ugandan government in pursuit of regime change, but from the 2010s onwards, it began aligning itself with the Islamic State Central Africa Province. In Uganda, the government accused the ADF of being behind several high-profile assassinations, while both countries blamed it for massacring civilians. In 2021, during that first joint military operation between the Ugandan and Congolese armies, towns like Kasenyi remained unaffected. But today, the Ugandan army's footprint has expanded well beyond its original mission and into Ituri, by its own admission. This is despite the fact that the ADF, which has since dispersed and relocated far from its traditional bases, is not active in Kasenyi or other areas where the military has recently been operating, observers note. In a statement in February, General Kainerugaba declared that Uganda would secure the entire border it shares with DRC: 'That is our sphere of influence. Nothing will happen there without our permission,' he said on X. On social media, Kainerugaba has frequently inserted himself into conversations about internal conflicts and the regional dynamics of the Congolese crisis. He has openly expressed support for the M23 rebel group that has made rapid advancements in eastern DRC this year, seizing control of the capital cities of both North and South Kivu provinces. M23 is reportedly backed by Rwanda and Uganda, according to various United Nations reports, though both countries have denied these allegations. The expansion of the Ugandan army's area of operation reflects Kampala's shifting priorities in eastern DRC, according to army spokesperson Felix Kulayigye. He said the army is protecting Congolese communities as well as Uganda's economic interests in the neighbouring country. 'Who is consuming Uganda's products? Can commerce take place where there is instability? If we have commercial interests in eastern DRC, are those protectable or not?' Kulayigye told Al Jazeera. From the start, Uganda's military presence in DRC has carried an economic subtext. According to a 2023 report by Deutsche Welle, as part of the agreement with the Kinshasa government to combat the ADF, Uganda was granted permission to build tarmac roads connecting key towns in DRC – routes designed to boost the movement of goods and deepen Uganda's trade footprint in the region. Although the text of the agreement was not released to the public, Ugandan soldiers, military equipment and road construction equipment entered all entered DRC in November 2021. Solomon Asiimwe, an international relations lecturer at Nkumba University in Kampala, says although Uganda's pursuit of the ADF may have appeared to be security-driven, the overriding factor was economic, though this was 'hidden under the carpet'. While some Congolese may be angered by Uganda's expanded deployment, he suggests they should also consider the benefit of a steady supply of goods from Uganda. 'Even Congolese have interests in supplying minerals to Uganda; they benefit from infrastructure and peace,' he said. Eastern DRC's market has become a battleground of its own. A recent analysis by The East African valued regional exports to the DRC at $2.9bn over nearly three years, with Uganda commanding a 68 percent share. Kenyan financial institutions have also staked their claim, entering DRC through bank acquisitions and the market was highly profitable – until M23's advance this year halted their expansion. But this trade has a dark side. Over the years, analysts and UN reports have accused both Uganda and Rwanda of acting as conduits for smuggled Congolese minerals and agricultural products such as cocoa and coffee. The International Court of Justice in 2022 ordered Uganda to pay the DRC $325m in reparations for the illegal exploitation of natural resources during its military presence in eastern DRC between 1998 and 2003; Kampala has paid several instalments since. Analysts argue that mineral exploitation is visible in export data of these countries: for instance, Uganda's gold exports reached $3bn in 2024, despite the country lacking any significant large-scale gold deposits. Ugandan army spokesperson Kulayigye said his country's expanded deployment in Ituri was requested by Congolese authorities seeking help in fighting other armed groups destabilising the province. 'We had an additional mission at the request of Congolese authorities to deal with negative elements within Ituri,' he said. Al Jazeera reached out to Congolese government spokesperson Patrick Muyaya to respond to this claim, but he did not reply to our questions at the time of publication. Meanwhile, Congolese experts were sceptical, questioning both the legality and legitimacy of Uganda's expanded mission. 'Uganda doesn't have an agreement with the Congolese army to be in some parts of Ituri,' said Reagan Miviri, a conflict researcher at Ebuteli, a Kinshasa-based think tank. 'They entered Congolese soil without permission. This is a violation of Congolese sovereignty.' According to Miviri, Kinshasa has been silent on Uganda's expanded operation, not because of approval but because it doesn't want to have to confront both Uganda and Rwanda at the same time. But he admits that in many areas where Uganda has deployed, it has more presence than the Congolese army. Kambale Musavuli, a Congolese political analyst, calls Uganda's growing military presence an occupation – one that 'should alarm every Congolese and African who believes in sovereignty and territorial integrity'. In response to criticism from analysts, Kulayigye said he was 'disappointed by intellectuals' who sit in comfort talking about nothing, while on the ground, 'people are dying at the hands of militias'. For Congolese observers, Uganda's behaviour follows a historical script. From 1996 to 2003, Uganda and Rwanda intervened heavily in DRC, initially backing the rebel group that overthrew longtime dictator Mobutu Sese Seko and installed Laurent Kabila – only to later turn against him. Both countries subsequently supported various rebel factions attempting to oust Kabila. Though international pressure forced Uganda and Rwanda to formally withdraw at the beginning of the century, both nations maintained ties to rebel groups, including M23, which was born out of the unresolved issues of the 1990s Congo wars. In January and February this year, M23 captured key cities including Goma and Bukavu in eastern DRC, which they still hold. The UN accused Rwanda of deploying up to 4,000 Rwandan soldiers in the DRC, which helped rebels capture the cities, while Uganda has been accused of allowing M23 to get supplies and recruits through its territory. 'It's a continuation of a pattern we have seen for decades, where neighbouring countries exploit instability in eastern Congo to pursue military and economic interests under the guise of security operations,' said Musavuli. In the aftermath of the Congo wars, several reports emerged, including from the UN, that Rwanda and Uganda were targeting Hutu civilians and looting and smuggling resources like coffee, diamonds, timber and coltan from the DRC. Josaphat Musamba, a Congolese researcher at Ghent University in Belgium, sees direct links between today's conflicts and the wars of the 1990s in a cast of characters that remains strikingly familiar: Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni, Rwanda's President Paul Kagame and former Congolese President Joseph Kabila – who is now based in Goma, an area under M23 control – were key players in those earlier conflicts. 'If you look at [today's M23] commanders, you can connect them to those who were fighting in the First Congo War,' Musamba said. 'All of them were working with Rwandan officers like James Kabarebe. I know two or three commanders of M23, and one of them was part of James Kabarebe's bodyguard,' he claimed. Kabarebe, now Rwanda's state minister for regional integration, was a central figure in the rebellion that toppled Mobutu. He later served as army chief of staff under Laurent Kabila, the former Congolese leader and father of Joseph Kabila. Kabarebe was sanctioned by the US government for being 'central to Rwanda's support for the March 23 [M23]'. Researchers also note that after M23's first rebellion in the DRC failed in 2012-2013, many rebels fled across the borders to Rwanda and Uganda. Congolese researchers say that while Kampala and Kigali may claim to be addressing security threats and rebel groups in eastern DRC – like ADF and the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), whose remnants were linked to the 1994 genocide in Rwanda – they are effectively carving out zones of control and economic exploitation in eastern DRC, just as they did in the 1990s. The Congolese people, meanwhile, remain displaced, impoverished and without security. The UN said in April that renewed fighting with M23 this year had displaced nearly four million people in North and South Kivu alone. 'I don't believe that Uganda [soldiers] have good intentions, especially in the operation in Ituri,' said Miviri. 'I don't understand why they are there.'
Mail & Guardian
05-06-2025
- Politics
- Mail & Guardian
Uganda's parliament ignores rule of law
Robert Kyagulanyi, aka 'Bobi Wine', leader of the National Unity Platform. Rule of law in Uganda is precarious — injustices, atrocities and oppression abnormalities are the norm. Parliament has passed the Uganda Peoples' Defence Forces (Amendment) Bill, which targets dissenting voices, activists and political opponents. This comes ahead of the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2026. The draconian Bill turned into law comes amid the abductions and torture of activists and other people who oppose the government in the Buganda region. Key opposition figures such as Achileo Kivumbi, Edward Ssebuufu ( also known as Eddy Mutwe) and Noah Mutwe are among the thousands who have been subjected to such treatment. Ssebuufu, a bodyguard for National Unity Platform (NUP) leader Robert Kyagulanyi, known as Bobi Wine, went missing on 27 April after being abducted by armed men. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, Uganda's military chief and son of President Yoweri Museveni, said he was holding Ssebuufu in his Days later, another of Kyagulanyi's bodyguards, Noah Mutwe, was abducted on 15 May by armed men driving a double-cab without number plates. He appeared in court on charges of incitement to violence, hate speech, malicious information and conspiracy to commit a felony related to social media messages. The NUP's head of security, Achileo Kivumbi, was arrested in August 2024 on charges of being in possession of military attire — a T-shirt and cap. He appeared in a general court martial chaired by a brigadier. Veteran opposition politician Kizza Besigye was detained in Kenya and taken back to Uganda where he was transferred to a military court. No extradition proceedings were followed and Kenya denied knowledge of the abduction. He was charged with treason in a civilian court after his case was transferred from a military tribunal. In 2018, Kyagulanyi was first taken to a military court and then transferred to a civilian court on charges of treason. The general court martial is a specialised court set up by the legislative arm to deal with uniformed and military discipline in the Uganda Peoples' Defence Forces, not civilians. What is so dangerous about this situation is that martial law is used specifically against Museveni's opponents In January this year, in On 21 May, contrary to the court ruling, parliament passed the Bill allowing military trials of civilians. Museveni and his son still insist on trying civilians in military courts, stating that the move stabilises the country. The president is on record stating that 'civilian courts are clogged with the many court cases of the whole country like murder, rape, assaults, robbery, land matters, divorce matters emphasising that they could not handle gun-wielding criminals quickly'. 'Yet for stabilisation you need speed. Moreover these individuals, although not soldiers, voluntarily and with evil intentions acquired killing instruments that should be the monopoly of the armed forces, governed by the relevant laws.' Museveni's statements hold little substance and 'these individuals' are political opponents and civilians who should not appear in the specialised general court martial. It is against the law and unconstitutional. The legality of this military court was tested in Uganda Law Society vs Attorney General and in 2nd Lt. Ogwang Ambrose vs Uganda. But now Museveni has passed the 2025 Uganda Peoples' Defence Forces (Amendment) Bill. It's clear that the National Resistance Movement (NRM) of the Museveni regime is using the military court as a tool against its political opponents to entrench fear among opposition party members and Uganda's voters. The NRM government has been using political corruption and violence to suppress opposition parties and voters for the past 40 years. My fear is the wrath that is being built and will be unleashed against opponents of the NRM regime ahead of the 2026 elections. Robert Kigongo is a sustainable development analyst.
First Post
28-05-2025
- Politics
- First Post
Uganda Ends Military Ties with Germany Over Spy Claims
Uganda Ends Military Ties with Germany Over Spy Claims | N18G Uganda Ends Military Ties with Germany Over Spy Claims | N18G Uganda has suspended all military cooperation with Germany, accusing Berlin's ambassador, Matthias Schauer, of engaging in 'subversive activities' and being 'wholly unqualified' to serve in the country. The move follows reports that the ambassador criticized Uganda's controversial army chief, General Muhoozi Kainerugaba — the president's son — during a private meeting with EU diplomats. Germany has strongly denied the accusations, calling them baseless. This marks a sharp diplomatic rift between the two nations and raises concerns about Uganda's internal politics, growing authoritarianism, and its strained relations with Western allies. What does this mean for Uganda's global ties and regional influence? See More
News24
27-05-2025
- General
- News24
Germany rejects Uganda's ‘subversive activities' accusation
The German Foreign Ministry on Monday dismissed Uganda's accusations that Berlin's ambassador, Mathias Schauer, had been involved in illicit meddling in the East African country's affairs. A ministry spokesperson said that Berlin 'strongly condemned' the allegations, describing them as 'absurd' and 'baseless'. What are Uganda's allegations against the German ambassador? In an X post published on Sunday, Ugandan military spokesperson Chris Magezi said that Kampala had received 'credible intelligence reports' that the German ambassador had been 'actively engaged in subversive activities' in Uganda. He said that Uganda's army would suspend all cooperation with Germany. 'The Uganda People's Defence Forces has with immediate effect suspended all ongoing defence and military cooperation activities with the Federal Republic of Germany,' Magezi said. Ugandan troops participate in an African Union peacekeeping force in Somalia, a mission partially funded by the European Union. What is the political situation in Uganda? Earlier in the month, Ugandan military chief Muhoozi Kainerugaba warned that the EU was 'playing with fire' after a group of European diplomats met senior members of the National Unity Platform (NUP) opposition party, including leader Bobi Wine. Peter Busomoke/AFP Kainerugaba is the son of President Yoweri Museveni and is likely to succeed the 80-year-old strongman, who has been in power since 1986. Wine, who was a popular musician before launching his political career, has been put under house arrest by Ugandan authorities multiple times. Another major Ugandan opposition figure, Kizza Besigye of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), was jailed in November. Last August, 36 FDC members were charged with terrorism, an accusation rights groups argued was politically motivated. Valerie Macon/AFP Uganda has also been criticised by Western governments and rights groups for a 2023 law imposing penalties of up to life in prison for consensual same-sex relations and containing provisions allowing the death penalty for 'aggravated homosexuality'.
Russia Today
27-05-2025
- General
- Russia Today
African state suspends defense ties with Germany
Uganda has suspended defense cooperation with Germany in response to the latter's ambassador allegedly being involved with hostile groups said to be working against the East African country's government. Uganda People's Defence Forces (UPDF) spokesperson Chris Magezi announced the decision in an official statement posted on the army's website on Monday, citing 'credible intelligence reports' as the basis. 'His Excellency Matthias Schauer is actively engaged in subversive activities in the country,' the statement read. 'The suspension will remain in force until the full resolution of the matter of the ambassador's involvement with hostile pseudo political-military forces operating in the country against the Ugandan government,' Magezi added. Schauer, who has served as Germany's envoy to Uganda since 2020, has not publicly responded to the allegations. However, the EU state has reportedly rejected the accusations. According to Reuters, a spokesperson for the German Foreign Ministry called the claims 'absurd and without any merit' and rejected them 'in the strongest terms.' The UPDF statement did not specify the groups in question or detail the nature of the alleged misconduct. According to local media reports, the accusations came after the ambassador privately protested to Presidential Advisor on Defense and Security General Salim Saleh, about 'threatening' social media posts by Uganda's military chief, Muhoozi Kainerugaba. Earlier this month, Kainerugaba, who is also the son of President Yoweri Museveni, warned that the EU was 'playing with fire' after a group of EU diplomats met with senior members of the opposition National Unity Platform party. Germany has engaged in defense-related cooperation across Africa, often involving training and security support, although specific details of its military ties with Uganda have not been made public. The spokesperson for the German Foreign Office said there is no formalized military cooperation between Berlin and Kampala, cited by Reuters. Ugandan troops are part of the African Union peacekeeping mission in Somalia, which receives partial funding from the EU. Kampala has in recent months expressed increased concern about what it calls foreign interference in domestic affairs, warning of covert support for opposition actors by international missions. The diplomatic fallout adds to a broader pattern of tension between Western powers and African governments. Several countries in the region – particularly in the Sahel – have also cut defense ties with France, accusing it of aggression and meddling in their internal affairs.
