Latest news with #IMEC
Fox News
2 hours ago
- Business
- Fox News
The new map that could be guiding Trump's Middle East moves
Video President Donald Trump came back into office promising no new wars. So far, he's kept that promise. But he's also left much of Washington — and many of America's allies — confused by a series of rapid, unexpected moves across the Middle East. In just a few months, Trump has reopened backchannels with Iran, then turned around and threatened its regime with collapse. He's kept Israel at arm's length — skipping it on his regional tour — before signaling support once again. He lifted U.S. sanctions on Syria's Islamist leader, a figure long treated as untouchable in Washington. And he made headlines by hosting Pakistan's top general at the White House, even as India publicly objected. For those watching closely, it's been hard to pin down a clear doctrine. Critics see improvisation — sometimes even contradiction. But step back, and a pattern begins to emerge. It's not about ideology, democracy promotion, or traditional alliances. It's about access. Geography. Trade. More specifically, it may be about restarting a long-stalled infrastructure project meant to bypass China — and put the United States back at the center of a strategic economic corridor stretching from India to Europe. The project is called the India–Middle East–Europe Corridor, or IMEC. Most Americans have never heard of it. It was launched in 2023 at the G20 summit in New Delhi, as a joint initiative among the U.S., India, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and the European Union. Its goal? To build a modern infrastructure link connecting South Asia to Europe — without passing through Chinese territory or relying on Chinese capital. IMEC's vision is bold but simple: Indian goods would travel west via rail and ports through the Gulf, across Israel, and on to European markets. Along the way, the corridor would connect not just trade routes, but energy pipelines, digital cables, and logistics hubs. It would be the first serious alternative to China's Belt and Road Initiative — a way for the U.S. and its partners to build influence without boots on the ground. But before construction could begin, war broke out in Gaza. The October 2023 Hamas attacks and Israel's military response sent the region into crisis. Normalization talks between Saudi Arabia and Israel fell apart. The Red Sea became a warzone for shipping. And Gulf capital flows paused. The corridor — and the broader idea of using infrastructure to tie the region together — was quietly shelved. Video That's the backdrop for Trump's current moves. Taken individually, they seem scattered. Taken together, they align with the logic of clearing obstacles to infrastructure. Trump may not be drawing maps in the Situation Room. But his instincts — for leverage, dealmaking and unpredictability — are removing the very roadblocks that halted IMEC in the first place. His approach to Iran is a prime example. In April, backchannels were reopened on the nuclear front. In May, a Yemen truce was brokered — reducing attacks on Gulf shipping. In June, after Israeli strikes inside Iran, Trump escalated rhetorically, calling for Iran's "unconditional surrender." That combination of engagement and pressure may sound erratic. But it mirrors the approach that cleared a diplomatic path with North Korea: soften the edges, then apply public pressure. Meanwhile, Trump's temporary distancing from Israel is harder to miss. He skipped it on his regional tour and avoided aligning with Prime Minister Netanyahu's continued hard-line approach to Gaza. Instead, he praised Qatar — a U.S. military partner and quiet mediator in the Gaza talks — and signaled support for Gulf-led reconstruction plans. The message: if Israel refuses to engage in regional stabilization, it won't control the map. Trump also made the unexpected decision to lift U.S. sanctions on Syria's new leader, President Ahmad al-Sharaa — a figure with a past in Islamist groups, now leading a transitional government backed by the UAE. Critics saw the move as legitimizing extremism. But in practice, it unlocked regional financing and access to transit corridors once blocked by U.S. policy. Even the outreach to Pakistan — which angered India — fits a broader infrastructure lens. Pakistan borders Iran, influences Taliban-controlled Afghanistan, and maintains ties with Gulf militaries. Welcoming Pakistan's military chief was less about loyalty, and more about leverage. In corridor politics, geography often trumps alliances. None of this means Trump has a master plan. There's no confirmed strategy memo that links these moves to IMEC. And the region remains volatile. Iran's internal stability is far from guaranteed. The Gaza conflict could reignite. Saudi and Qatari interests don't always align. But there's a growing logic underneath the diplomacy: de-escalate just enough conflict to make capital flow again — and make corridors investable. That logic may not be ideologically pure. It certainly isn't about spreading democracy. But it reflects a real shift in U.S. foreign policy. Call it infrastructure-first geopolitics — where trade routes, ports and pipelines matter more than treaties and summits. To be clear, the United States isn't the only player thinking this way. China's Belt and Road Initiative has been advancing the same model for over a decade. Turkey, Iran and Russia are also exploring new logistics and energy corridors. But what sets IMEC apart — and what makes Trump's recent moves notable — is that it offers an opening for the U.S. to compete without large-scale military deployments or decades-long aid packages. Even the outreach to Pakistan — which angered India — fits a broader infrastructure lens. Pakistan borders Iran, influences Taliban-controlled Afghanistan, and maintains ties with Gulf militaries. For all his unpredictability, Trump has always had a sense for economic leverage. That may be what we're seeing here: less a doctrine than a direction. Less about grand visions, and more about unlocking chokepoints. There's no guarantee it will work. The region could turn on a dime. And the corridor could remain, as it is now, a partially built concept waiting on political will. But Trump's moves suggest he's trying to build the conditions for it to restart — not by talking about peace, but by making peace a condition for investment. In a region long shaped by wars over ideology and territory, that may be its own kind of strategy. Tanvi Ratna is a policy analyst and engineer with a decade of experience in statecraft at the intersection of geopolitics, economics, and technology. She has worked on Capitol Hill, at EY, at CoinDesk and others, shaping policy across sectors from manufacturing to AI. Follow her takes on statecraft on X and Substack.
Middle East Eye
3 hours ago
- Business
- Middle East Eye
Maersk temporarily halts operations at Israel's Haifa port after Iran strikes
Danish shipping and logistics behemoth Maersk has temporarily halted operations at Israel's Haifa port, amid the country's escalating conflict with Iran. In a statement released on Friday, Maersk said it decided to suspend operations after 'careful analysis of threat risk reports in the context of the ongoing conflict between Israel and Iran, specifically regarding the potential risks of calling Israeli ports and the ensuing implications for the safety of our vessel crews'. Maersk said it was in close contact with customers "impacted by this decision and are working to provide alternative transport solutions to minimise disruption". The company said it was continuing to operate at Ashdod and that it had not experienced any other issues in its other operations in the region. Israel and Iran have been locked in conflict since Israel launched unprovoked air strikes against Iran on 13 June, in what is widely being seen as an attempt to derail an Iranian nuclear deal with the US and exercise regime change in Tehran. More than 639 people have been killed in Iran, with Israel hitting residential areas and hospitals, along with strikes on military sites. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters In Israel, the cities of Tel Aviv and Haifa have also incurred heavy damage following Iran's retaliatory missile strikes. Escalating tensions Mearsk has been under pressure from pro-Palestine activists to suspend all business ties with Israel, given its role in transporting weapons from the US to Israel for the war effort in Gaza. More than 55,000 Palestinians have been killed as a result of Israel's war on Gaza, which several countries, as well as many international rights groups and experts, now qualify as an act of genocide. Despite the efforts to push for Maersk to stop being involved in what critics call the "supply chain of death", the company has refused to halt operations with Israel. Maersk's decision to halt operations in Haifa came days after Bazan, Israel's largest oil refinery, stopped work in Haifa after it was hit by an Iranian-fired ballistic missile. Three workers were killed in the strike. Following escalating tensions, Maersk issued a statement on Monday, advising teams to work remotely as a precautionary measure. Haifa Port, Gautam Adani and Israel's plan for the Middle East Read More » However, Adani Ports and Special Economic Zone Ltd, which has a majority stake in Haifa Port, said operations were still moving smoothly despite the missile strike at the nearby oil refinery. Shrapnel from the missile strike was reportedly found at the port. Adani's purchase of the Haifa Port in 2023 is seen as integral to transforming it into a major international port, as part of the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC). IMEC aims to build a new trade passage from India to Europe, via the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Israel as a counter to China's Belt and Road Initiative. Haifa Port handles about 20 million tons of cargo annually, which makes it among the busiest ports in Israel. Adani Ports did not immediately reply to Middle East Eye's request for comment.
Fox News
11 hours ago
- Business
- Fox News
Trump's unpredictable Middle East moves actually follow a brilliant master plan
President Donald Trump came back into office promising no new wars. So far, he's kept that promise. But he's also left much of Washington — and many of America's allies — confused by a series of rapid, unexpected moves across the Middle East. In just a few months, Trump has reopened backchannels with Iran, then turned around and threatened its regime with collapse. He's kept Israel at arm's length — skipping it on his regional tour — before signaling support once again. He lifted U.S. sanctions on Syria's Islamist leader, a figure long treated as untouchable in Washington. And he made headlines by hosting Pakistan's top general at the White House, even as India publicly objected. For those watching closely, it's been hard to pin down a clear doctrine. Critics see improvisation — sometimes even contradiction. But step back, and a pattern begins to emerge. It's not about ideology, democracy promotion, or traditional alliances. It's about access. Geography. Trade. More specifically, it may be about restarting a long-stalled infrastructure project meant to bypass China — and put the United States back at the center of a strategic economic corridor stretching from India to Europe. The project is called the India–Middle East–Europe Corridor, or IMEC. Most Americans have never heard of it. It was launched in 2023 at the G20 summit in New Delhi, as a joint initiative among the U.S., India, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and the European Union. Its goal? To build a modern infrastructure link connecting South Asia to Europe — without passing through Chinese territory or relying on Chinese capital. IMEC's vision is bold but simple: Indian goods would travel west via rail and ports through the Gulf, across Israel, and on to European markets. Along the way, the corridor would connect not just trade routes, but energy pipelines, digital cables, and logistics hubs. It would be the first serious alternative to China's Belt and Road Initiative — a way for the U.S. and its partners to build influence without boots on the ground. But before construction could begin, war broke out in Gaza. The October 2023 Hamas attacks and Israel's military response sent the region into crisis. Normalization talks between Saudi Arabia and Israel fell apart. The Red Sea became a warzone for shipping. And Gulf capital flows paused. The corridor — and the broader idea of using infrastructure to tie the region together — was quietly shelved. That's the backdrop for Trump's current moves. Taken individually, they seem scattered. Taken together, they align with the logic of clearing obstacles to infrastructure. Trump may not be drawing maps in the Situation Room. But his instincts — for leverage, dealmaking and unpredictability — are removing the very roadblocks that halted IMEC in the first place. His approach to Iran is a prime example. In April, backchannels were reopened on the nuclear front. In May, a Yemen truce was brokered — reducing attacks on Gulf shipping. In June, after Israeli strikes inside Iran, Trump escalated rhetorically, calling for Iran's "unconditional surrender." That combination of engagement and pressure may sound erratic. But it mirrors the approach that cleared a diplomatic path with North Korea: soften the edges, then apply public pressure. Meanwhile, Trump's temporary distancing from Israel is harder to miss. He skipped it on his regional tour and avoided aligning with Prime Minister Netanyahu's continued hard-line approach to Gaza. Instead, he praised Qatar — a U.S. military partner and quiet mediator in the Gaza talks — and signaled support for Gulf-led reconstruction plans. The message: if Israel refuses to engage in regional stabilization, it won't control the map. Trump also made the unexpected decision to lift U.S. sanctions on Syria's new leader, President Ahmad al-Sharaa — a figure with a past in Islamist groups, now leading a transitional government backed by the UAE. Critics saw the move as legitimizing extremism. But in practice, it unlocked regional financing and access to transit corridors once blocked by U.S. policy. Even the outreach to Pakistan — which angered India — fits a broader infrastructure lens. Pakistan borders Iran, influences Taliban-controlled Afghanistan, and maintains ties with Gulf militaries. Welcoming Pakistan's military chief was less about loyalty, and more about leverage. In corridor politics, geography often trumps alliances. None of this means Trump has a master plan. There's no confirmed strategy memo that links these moves to IMEC. And the region remains volatile. Iran's internal stability is far from guaranteed. The Gaza conflict could reignite. Saudi and Qatari interests don't always align. But there's a growing logic underneath the diplomacy: de-escalate just enough conflict to make capital flow again — and make corridors investable. That logic may not be ideologically pure. It certainly isn't about spreading democracy. But it reflects a real shift in U.S. foreign policy. Call it infrastructure-first geopolitics — where trade routes, ports and pipelines matter more than treaties and summits. To be clear, the United States isn't the only player thinking this way. China's Belt and Road Initiative has been advancing the same model for over a decade. Turkey, Iran and Russia are also exploring new logistics and energy corridors. But what sets IMEC apart — and what makes Trump's recent moves notable — is that it offers an opening for the U.S. to compete without large-scale military deployments or decades-long aid packages. Even the outreach to Pakistan — which angered India — fits a broader infrastructure lens. Pakistan borders Iran, influences Taliban-controlled Afghanistan, and maintains ties with Gulf militaries. For all his unpredictability, Trump has always had a sense for economic leverage. That may be what we're seeing here: less a doctrine than a direction. Less about grand visions, and more about unlocking chokepoints. There's no guarantee it will work. The region could turn on a dime. And the corridor could remain, as it is now, a partially built concept waiting on political will. But Trump's moves suggest he's trying to build the conditions for it to restart — not by talking about peace, but by making peace a condition for investment. In a region long shaped by wars over ideology and territory, that may be its own kind of strategy.
Hindustan Times
a day ago
- Business
- Hindustan Times
In climate of conflicts, a corridor of necessity
With the airspace closed over Iran and denied over Pakistan, the Air India flight from Frankfurt to Delhi last weekend flew southeast over Athens, crossed the Mediterranean to Cairo, turned east to fly across the Red Sea and the Arabian Peninsula to Oman and then over the sea to enter India in the Kutch region. Nearly 12,000 metres above sea level, it traced the path of the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC). I was returning from the inaugural edition of the Raisina Mediterranean Dialogue, where every session turned into a discussion on IMEC. The flight was evidence of both its existence and necessity. Few positive ideas have energised the world in recent times as much as IMEC after it was unveiled in September 2023 in Delhi at the G20 Summit of the Indian presidency. There have been competing claims on its provenance, with western literature often describing it as a US-led initiative. However, it was initially conceived as a post-Covid project for a strategic India-Middle East corridor by India's national security advisor. It was later extended to Israel's Mediterranean port of Haifa and onwards to Europe to serve multiple Indian geopolitical and economic goals. In IMEC, the Gulf seeks to reprise its historical role in trade, diversify its economy and markets and pursue its geopolitical ambitions. The US entered the project, drawn by regional competition with China and hope of normalising Arab-Israel relations; however, conditions and US relevance may have changed now. Geopolitical, economic, energy, and digital connectivity interests attracted Europe, seeking to rebalance relations amidst structural external shocks. Following France, Italy, Germany and the EU became members. The raging and expanding conflicts in the Middle East since IMEC's launch have raised grave doubts about the initiative. To the contrary, the developments only reinforce the need for resilient corridors that connect India and Europe and, more broadly, the Indo-Pacific with the Euro-Atlantic. IMEC is often imagined as a mega infrastructure project along a single multimodal route entailing hundreds of billion dollars in investments with its attendant challenges of financing, risk mitigation and timelines. However, almost 90% of the infrastructure already exists — sea connectivity between India and the Gulf; the growing rail network across the Gulf; and world-class ports that dot the Mediterranean coasts. The rail link between Saudi Arabia and Haifa remains to be built. But, if that gap remains too politically difficult to bridge at the moment, there are alternatives through Egypt, Lebanon and, if it stabilises, through Syria. In any case, just as redundancies are built into strategic telecommunication networks, shippers should have the flexibility to switch between alternative nodes for secure, quick and competitive logistics. It is, therefore, important to think of IMEC as a network rather than a single route. The Suez, too, will continue to remain the key shipping route, especially for bulk cargo. IMEC will, however, reduce the relevance of the circuitous route around the African continent. Multiple submarine cables carrying data already link India to Europe. The data capacity is set to grow with Blue-Raman. In Marseille, emerging as a major submarine cable junction, India accounts for a significant share of the capacity of data centres. The pipelines and submarine cables transmitting clean hydrogen and electricity from the Gulf in either direction may seem overly ambitious. But such submarine projects already exist in the world. New ones are already gaining attention and financing. The 2,000-km EastMed-Poseidon gas pipeline to transport Israeli/Cypriot gas to Greece, the Euro-Asia connector linking their electricity grid or the hydrogen pipeline from Tunisia-Algeria to Italy and onwards are examples of new projects. The IMEC should get higher priority under the European Union's Global Gateway. What is needed most is connecting the dots for coordinated development of the infrastructure being established nationally or by a group of countries along the corridor; an agreement between governments on the seamless and smooth transit of goods on a multimodal, multi-country network; harmonisation of standards and governance; enabling framework for accelerating trade, such as the conclusion of the EU-India free trade agreement; industrial acceleration in India; security cooperation; and, coordinating mechanisms involving participating governments and the private sector. Many companies operate across the corridor. IMEC has generated strong interest across Europe and triggered a deeper conversation on Mediterranean connectivity and integration. While ports in Greece, Croatia, Italy and France are vying to be the main terminal points, each would serve specific destinations in Europe. North African ports such as Alexandria and Port Said in Egypt and Tangiers in Morocco wish to be connected. A more integrated Mediterranean network would increase IMEC's value. Indeed, the M in IMEC could well stand for MENA (Middle East-North Africa). Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Cyprus and Croatia this week as also his earlier visits to Egypt, Greece, Italy and France, and possibly to Morocco in the near future, indicate an integrated vision of the Mediterranean basin — from the northern-most palm grove to the northern-most olive grove — for its own potential but also as a gateway to the vast African and European continents and beyond. The seas are one. Trouble in any maritime domain has global impact. The Mediterranean connects the East and the West. Not just the Middle East, the calm azure waters of the Mediterranean also carry challenges. Politics of immigration and security threatens Europe's links with North Africa. There are regional rivalries involving Turkey, Greece and Cyprus and the unstable eastern seaboard of the Mediterranean from Gaza to Syria. The spillover of the Ukraine-Russia conflict and the growing Chinese economic and naval presence bring strategic competition to the region. A broader regional engagement by India and closer coordination among Mediterranean countries will help advance IMEC. The MENA region has multiple sources and layers of competition and conflict that are not easy to resolve. As Europe, India and the region seek deeper partnership, IMEC is a necessity. It is not one grand greenfield infrastructure project with an inauguration day. It is an evolving project that must be guided by realistic goals and concomitant design. Beyond political commitment and coordination, involvement of companies, including infrastructure, logistics, shipping, energy and digital, with operational experience along the route in shaping IMEC is vital. That is essential for IMEC to succeed and not go the way of several other corridors conceived with great enthusiasm. Jawed Ashraf is a retired Indian ambassador. The views expressed are personal.
Mint
2 days ago
- Business
- Mint
IMEC jinx: There's no relief in sight from war clouds over this trade route
Next Story Mint Editorial Board Prospects have dimmed for the proposed India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) to the EU via sea to West Asia and then overland to Israel. As the US glares hard at Iran, attacked last week by Israel, India is in the same boat as China on this trade promoting project. It is not just India that's disappointed with this ghastly turn of events. Gift this article The education of some Indian students studying medicine in Iran, safety of ships moving through the Strait of Hormuz and moderation in oil prices have all been collateral damage as war clouds worsen over West Asia. The education of some Indian students studying medicine in Iran, safety of ships moving through the Strait of Hormuz and moderation in oil prices have all been collateral damage as war clouds worsen over West Asia. A big if silent casualty has been the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) that was announced at the New Delhi summit of the G20 in 2023. Ships would leave India's west coast, land at one of the UAE's three ports, offload their cargo onto rail tracks to be laid through Saudi Arabia and Jordan to Israel, where the Haifa port (under Adani Group control) would serve as the final node for sea despatches to Piraeus in Greece, Trieste in Italy or Marseilles in France to serve the EU market. The project hinged on Saudi Arabia and Israel inking an 'Abraham Accord' to normalize ties, like the deals US President Donald Trump had brokered in 2020 between Tel Aviv and the UAE, Bahrain and Morocco. Riyadh signing up had been Trump's aim. But that prospect has all but been blown apart by Israel's relentless Gaza War, which has taken on dark shades of genocide, and its ongoing offensive against Iran. The Arab participants in IMEC are monarchies, not democracies. So, on paper, their governments could bridge relations with Israel over the heads of their people. But the fear of an electorate is one thing and that of an 'angry street' something else, as the region's regimes realized during the Arab Spring of 2010-12, which toppled some autocrats and shook others. While US-aligned Gulf states have looked on—with token protests—as Israel retaliated against the 7 October 2023 Hamas attack that took over 1,000 Israelis lives by bombing Gaza to rubble and killing some 55,000 Palestinians since then, the popular Arab reaction has been far less serene. The Israeli bombing of Tehran and other targets, coupled with Trump's threat to 'take out' Iran's Supreme Leader, is likely to be interpreted across the region as a naked show of the West's imperialist might. Although Iran's people show signs of discontent with its regime and its Gulf rival Saudi Arabia would probably be pleased to see its nuclear capacity crushed, unelected leaders can hardly patch up with Tel Aviv in such fraught times. Also, the status of Jerusalem, where the Al-Aqsa complex is located, has pan-Islamic salience as an issue. Also Read: Israel-Iran conflict: Echoes of history haunt West Asia It is widely suspected that Israel's prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu has deployed aggression as a tool for political longevity, given that his endgame seems to converge on the US moving in to impose its Pax-Americana (in Tel Aviv's favour). An end to hostilities will spell elections that might oust him from office. Having defanged Hezbollah, paved the path to Assad's removal in Syria and battered Gaza, Iran is now Israel's final frontier. Over in the US, Trump has shown his strongest will yet to play along, as evident in his Tuesday call for Tehran to surrender. To some of the 'Make America Great Again' crowd, this might look like greatness for America and its proxy, Israel. To much of the rest of the world, however, it looks like the return of imperialism. The IMEC will have to wait for tempers to cool in the Arab world. It is not just India, however, that's disappointed with this ghastly turn of events. China also needs the IMEC to link its Gwadar port at the end of its China Pakistan Economic Corridor to the West via Haifa. Embattled trade is bad news all around. Topics You May Be Interested In Catch all the Business News, Market News, Breaking News Events and Latest News Updates on Live Mint. Download The Mint News App to get Daily Market Updates.
