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Memri
3 hours ago
- Politics
- Memri
Afghan Media Outlet Accuses U.S. And Israel Of Sowing Discord Among Muslims: 'If Muslims Were United, The Israeli Regime Would Never Have Dared To Consider The First Qibla [i.e., Jerusalem] Of Muslims
On May 28, 2025, Afghan news agency Sarie News published an article accusing the United States and Israel of exploiting religious divisions among Muslims to advance their imperialistic goals and to plunder the natural resources of Islamic countries. The Dari-language article, "Unity Of The Islamic Ummah – A Deterrent Power Against America And Israel," praises resistance groups like Ansar Allah of Yemen and stresses that only Muslim unity can counter Western and Zionist domination. "The issue of sect is one of the most accessible areas that America and Zionism exploit to target the unity and brotherhood of the Islamic Ummah. Through agents hired by the Jews and America, Islamic groups declare one another unbelievers, thereby rendering the greatest service to the infiltration of America and the Jews," it states. Following are excerpts from the article: "America, And Consequently Israel, Are Global Actors Who, By Creating Division And Discord Among The Muslims Of The World, Pursue Their Imperialistic And Plundering Objectives – These Bloodsuckers Of The Century Plunder The Natural Resources And Revenues Of All Oppressed Nations" "America, and consequently Israel, are global actors who, by creating division and discord among the Muslims of the world, pursue their imperialistic and plundering objectives. These bloodsuckers of the century plunder the natural resources and revenues of all oppressed nations, regardless of religion or sect, and allocate only a meager portion of their own resources to them so they can manage and administer their daily governance – thus continuing their exploitation and enslaving the nations. "However, this method of exploitation is applied in a more specific and intense manner in Islamic countries, because these countries provide greater grounds for religious division among themselves. By using media, propaganda groups, mobile teams in academic and scientific environments, seemingly religious preachers, and various other techniques, they fuel ethnic and sectarian divisions among Muslims and exploit them like milking cows. "The issue of sect is one of the most accessible areas that America and Zionism exploit to target the unity and brotherhood of the Islamic Ummah. Through agents hired by the Jews and America, Islamic groups declare one another unbelievers, thereby rendering the greatest service to the infiltration of America and the Jews. "If Muslims were united, today the Israeli regime would not dare to slaughter dozens of Palestinians every day and impose thousands of displaced and homeless people in Gaza and the surrounding lands of Palestine. Since the beginning of the Al-Aqsa Storm until now, the Israeli regime has killed nearly 60,000 unarmed and defenseless Palestinians, most of whom are women and children. "Yet, apart from a few countries – Lebanon, Yemen, Iraq, and Iran – not a single Islamic country has taken any action in support of this oppressed nation. Not only have they taken no action, but many of these countries have also been the cause of broader attacks against this oppressed people and, by expanding and intensifying their multi-dimensional relations with the regime, have effectively endorsed its crimes. This represents the height of humiliation and helplessness across the vast geography of Islamic countries, who have now become prey to the Jews – people who themselves possess no independent geography in the world." "Ansar Allah Of Yemen Is Considered A Small Part Of The Great Population Of Muslims, Yet They Alone Are Fighting America And Israel, And From The Red Sea To Tel Aviv And Ben Gurion, They Have Stolen Sleep And Peace From The Eyes Of These Bloodthirsty Monsters Of History" "If Muslims were united, the Israeli regime would never have dared to consider the first Qibla [the direction toward which a Muslim turns to pray in Islam, i.e., Jerusalem] of Muslims as part of its own territory and to deny Muslims the permission to visit and pilgrimage to this sacred place. If the Islamic world were cohesive and unified, the historical land of Lebanon – which is an important part of the Muslim domain – would never have had its borders occupied, and the heart of Beirut would not have been crushed under multi-ton bombs of Israel and America. "The unity of the Islamic world would place the superior geopolitical position of 'Yemen' in their hands, and in the event of any violation or aggression by America and Israel, this great unity could have delivered deadly and crushing blows to these criminals of the century – such that never again would the desire to occupy Islamic countries cross their minds. "Ansar Allah of Yemen is considered a small part of the great population of Muslims, yet they alone are fighting against America and Israel, and from the Red Sea to Tel Aviv and Ben Gurion, they have stolen sleep and peace from the eyes of these bloodthirsty monsters of history. Just imagine for a moment, if the Islamic world were united, and multiple fronts like Ansar Allah, Hezbollah, and Hamas were formed against Western imperialism and Israel – would not the balance shift in favor of Muslims? "This is where the Jewish thinktanks, with a deep understanding of the dangers posed by the Islamic Ummah, have invested in creating division and discord among Muslims. And with success in this field, they are advancing their occupying and plundering goals. It is time for Muslims to awaken from the sleep of heedlessness and, with unity and solidarity, form a powerful deterrent power against the hollow dragon of the West – thus creating a barrier that would prevent the arrows and swords of Zionism from striking the throats of Muslims." Source: (Afghanistan), May 28, 2025.
Yahoo
6 hours ago
- Politics
- Yahoo
Yemen's Houthis mull how they can help ally Iran against Israel
As the war between Israel and Iran continues, Yemen's Houthi rebels say they are coordinating with Tehran. The Houthis, also known as Ansar Allah, have since 2023 launched attacks on Israel and shipping in the Red Sea in what they say is support for Palestinians in Gaza. The Houthis are also a close ally of Iran, and now they say that their latest attacks are on behalf of the 'Palestinian and Iranian peoples', according to the Telegram account of Houthi spokesperson Yahya Saree, who added that the Yemeni group were coordinating with 'the operations carried out by the Iranian army against the criminal Israeli enemy'. On Sunday, two days after Israel first attacked Iran in the early hours of June 13, the Houthis announced that they had targeted Israel. In a televised address, Saree said the group fired several ballistic missiles at Jaffa. The Houthis are timing their attacks with the Iranians, according to Hussain Albukhaiti, a pro-Houthi political commentator. The Houthis are launching missiles 'after Iran launched its missiles', Albukhaiti told Al Jazeera. 'This way the Zionist settlers [Israelis] keep going back and forth to their shelters so they can live a small fraction of the fear they caused the Palestinian people in Gaza.' The Houthi attacks are essentially a continuation of their previous periodic missile and drone attacks on Israel. The Israelis have mostly been able to intercept the attacks but some have gotten through, most notably an attack in early May on Ben Gurion airport that injured six people and led to a suspension of flights. But the Houthi attacks have also had another consequence for Israeli defences, according to Yemen expert Nicholas Brumfield. 'The constant threat of Houthi attacks coming from the south requires Israel to spread out its air defences rather than positioning them all to more effectively [defend] counterattacks coming from Iran,' he told Al November 2023, the Houthis began attacking ships they say were linked to Israel in the Red Sea. International ships that travel to the Red Sea are forced to pass Houthi-controlled areas of Yemen. The attacks have ceased in recent months, particularly after the Houthis and the United States came to an agreement to stop attacking each other in early May, following a US bombing campaign that is reported to have killed more than 200 people in Yemen. But the attacks could still resume, and the Houthis never agreed to stop targeting Israel, which itself has also continued to bomb Yemen. 'We had an agreement with the US to stop attacking each other, but Yemen will not obey this agreement if the US joins the Zionists in their attacks against Iran,' Albukhaiti said. 'We remember that Trump cancelled the nuclear deal between Iran and the US,' he said, referring to the US president's unilateral withdrawal from the nuclear deal between Iran and several Western countries in 2018. Albukhaiti accused Trump of cancelling the deal because it was not in Israel's interest. 'Yemen will do the same, and will cancel the agreement with the US, because it's not in the interest of Iran, which is an important ally of Yemen,' he said, referring to the Houthi rebel group as 'Yemen', although the group's government is not recognised internationally. Iran has also threatened to close the Strait of Hormuz, which lies between it and Oman. About 20 million barrels per day (BPD), or the equivalent of about 20 percent of global petroleum liquids consumed, pass through the Strait of Hormuz, according to the US Energy Information Administration (EIA). Analysts said the Houthis could potentially do the same in the Red Sea. Sea mines are 'very low-tech, easy-to-make mines that would nevertheless introduce considerable uncertainty for global shippers,' Brumfield said. 'I don't think that Iran or Yemen will hesitate to use sea mines if necessary to block the entire shipping lines in our region,' Albukhaiti are also fears that the conflict could drag in other countries in the region. The US has bases in a number of countries in the Middle East, and the Houthis have previously been involved in fighting with many of them, including Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. If the current conflict spirals, Gulf countries may find themselves threatened by Houthi attacks. 'The Houthis are trying to recover from the US strikes we saw between mid-March and May, and probably aren't begging to restart those more intensive strikes if they don't have to,' Brumfield said. 'But I also think they'd be amenable to restarting them if they saw themselves as participating in a grand regional war between the US-Israel and the Axis of Resistance, especially if a lot of US military resources are diverted to Iran.' Albukhaiti said Houthi forces 'could also target US bases in the region', specifically those involved in the coalition against Yemen, such as Saudi Arabia and the UAE, because 'we are still at war with these countries', he said. The Saudi-led coalition intervened militarily in the war in Yemen between the Houthis and the country's internationally recognised government in 2015, unleashing a years-long campaign of air strikes. Saudi Arabia ceased hostilities in Yemen in 2022, but has yet to officially reach a deal with the Houthis. And before that, it had come under Houthi attack. In 2019, Saudi oil production was cut by around 50 percent after Houthi drone strikes on oil plants. Since then, analysts say the Saudis have worked hard to keep more stable relations with the Houthis in order to avoid further attacks. But despite these efforts, the detente could be forgotten if the Houthis see fit to resume hitting their northern neighbour. 'I don't think [attacks on Saudi Arabia are] off the table,' Brumfield said. 'If elements in Houthi leadership in favour of a military-first approach win out, it's plausible they would attack the Kingdom [of Saudi Arabia] as part of a general escalation in both the regional and Yemen conflict.' Brumfield added that the Houthis would, however, have to also keep in mind that Saudi Arabia has provided 'diplomatic cover' for the Houthis in the past few years, as it seeks to find a final deal to end the conflict in Yemen. Any attacks from the Houthis would likely make Saudi Arabia abandon that groups in Yemen have been watching events carefully over the past few months, as they sense an opportunity with the initial US campaign against the Houthis, and now the weakening of the Houthis' principal ally, Iran. 'The most [the Houthis are] capable of doing is continuing symbolic attacks on Israel or potentially restarting activity in the Red Sea,' Raiman Al-Hamdani, an independent Yemen analyst, told Al Jazeera. 'But doing so could provoke a renewed military response from the US, Israel, and the UK, which might weaken their position domestically and open space for anti-Houthi groups to exploit any resulting instability.' However, analysts say that few of the groups that oppose the Houthis, including the Yemeni government, are in a position to take and effectively govern territory from the Houthis. And, should those groups mobilise, the Houthis would likely respond, Albukhaiti said. Houthi forces could target any domestic opponents through 'oil and gas fields and platforms' as well as the 'airports and water distillation plants' of the countries he said backed the groups, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.
Al Jazeera
7 hours ago
- Politics
- Al Jazeera
Yemen's Houthis mull how they can help ally Iran against Israel
Houthis agreed deal with US last month, but may resume attacks if US strikes Iran. As the war between Israel and Iran continues, Yemen's Houthi rebels say they are coordinating with Tehran. The Houthis, also known as Ansar Allah, have since 2023 launched attacks on Israel and shipping in the Red Sea in what they say is support for Palestinians in Gaza. The Houthis are also a close ally of Iran, and now they say that their latest attacks are on behalf of the 'Palestinian and Iranian peoples', according to the Telegram account of Houthi spokesperson Yahya Saree, who added that the Yemeni group were coordinating with 'the operations carried out by the Iranian army against the criminal Israeli enemy'. On Sunday, two days after Israel first attacked Iran in the early hours of June 13, the Houthis announced that they had targeted Israel. In a televised address, Saree said the group fired several ballistic missiles at Jaffa. The Houthis are timing their attacks with the Iranians, according to Hussain Albukhaiti, a pro-Houthi political commentator. The Houthis are launching missiles 'after Iran launched its missiles', Albukhaiti told Al Jazeera. 'This way the Zionist settlers [Israelis] keep going back and forth to their shelters so they can live a small fraction of the fear they caused the Palestinian people in Gaza.' The Houthi attacks are essentially a continuation of their previous periodic missile and drone attacks on Israel. The Israelis have mostly been able to intercept the attacks but some have gotten through, most notably an attack in early May on Ben Gurion airport that injured six people and led to a suspension of flights. Advertisement But the Houthi attacks have also had another consequence for Israeli defences, according to Yemen expert Nicholas Brumfield. 'The constant threat of Houthi attacks coming from the south requires Israel to spread out its air defences rather than positioning them all to more effectively [defend] counterattacks coming from Iran,' he told Al Jazeera. Sign up for Al Jazeera Breaking News Alert Get real-time breaking news alerts and stay up-to-date with the most important headlines from around the globe. Subscribe Your subscription failed. Please try again. Please check your email to confirm your subscription By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy protected by reCAPTCHA Shipping routes In November 2023, the Houthis began attacking ships they say were linked to Israel in the Red Sea. International ships that travel to the Red Sea are forced to pass Houthi-controlled areas of Yemen. The attacks have ceased in recent months, particularly after the Houthis and the United States came to an agreement to stop attacking each other in early May, following a US bombing campaign that is reported to have killed more than 200 people in Yemen. But the attacks could still resume, and the Houthis never agreed to stop targeting Israel, which itself has also continued to bomb Yemen. 'We had an agreement with the US to stop attacking each other, but Yemen will not obey this agreement if the US joins the Zionists in their attacks against Iran,' Albukhaiti said. 'We remember that Trump cancelled the nuclear deal between Iran and the US,' he said, referring to the US president's unilateral withdrawal from the nuclear deal between Iran and several Western countries in 2018. Albukhaiti accused Trump of cancelling the deal because it was not in Israel's interest. 'Yemen will do the same, and will cancel the agreement with the US, because it's not in the interest of Iran, which is an important ally of Yemen,' he said, referring to the Houthi rebel group as 'Yemen', although the group's government is not recognised internationally. Iran has also threatened to close the Strait of Hormuz, which lies between it and Oman. About 20 million barrels per day (BPD), or the equivalent of about 20 percent of global petroleum liquids consumed, pass through the Strait of Hormuz, according to the US Energy Information Administration (EIA). Analysts said the Houthis could potentially do the same in the Red Sea. Sea mines are 'very low-tech, easy-to-make mines that would nevertheless introduce considerable uncertainty for global shippers,' Brumfield said. 'I don't think that Iran or Yemen will hesitate to use sea mines if necessary to block the entire shipping lines in our region,' Albukhaiti added. Risks to Gulf states There are also fears that the conflict could drag in other countries in the region. The US has bases in a number of countries in the Middle East, and the Houthis have previously been involved in fighting with many of them, including Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Advertisement If the current conflict spirals, Gulf countries may find themselves threatened by Houthi attacks. 'The Houthis are trying to recover from the US strikes we saw between mid-March and May, and probably aren't begging to restart those more intensive strikes if they don't have to,' Brumfield said. 'But I also think they'd be amenable to restarting them if they saw themselves as participating in a grand regional war between the US-Israel and the Axis of Resistance, especially if a lot of US military resources are diverted to Iran.' Albukhaiti said Houthi forces 'could also target US bases in the region', specifically those involved in the coalition against Yemen, such as Saudi Arabia and the UAE, because 'we are still at war with these countries', he said. The Saudi-led coalition intervened militarily in the war in Yemen between the Houthis and the country's internationally recognised government in 2015, unleashing a years-long campaign of air strikes. Saudi Arabia ceased hostilities in Yemen in 2022, but has yet to officially reach a deal with the Houthis. And before that, it had come under Houthi attack. In 2019, Saudi oil production was cut by around 50 percent after Houthi drone strikes on oil plants. Since then, analysts say the Saudis have worked hard to keep more stable relations with the Houthis in order to avoid further attacks. But despite these efforts, the detente could be forgotten if the Houthis see fit to resume hitting their northern neighbour. 'I don't think [attacks on Saudi Arabia are] off the table,' Brumfield said. 'If elements in Houthi leadership in favour of a military-first approach win out, it's plausible they would attack the Kingdom [of Saudi Arabia] as part of a general escalation in both the regional and Yemen conflict.' Brumfield added that the Houthis would, however, have to also keep in mind that Saudi Arabia has provided 'diplomatic cover' for the Houthis in the past few years, as it seeks to find a final deal to end the conflict in Yemen. Any attacks from the Houthis would likely make Saudi Arabia abandon that strategy. Internal strife Anti-Houthi groups in Yemen have been watching events carefully over the past few months, as they sense an opportunity with the initial US campaign against the Houthis, and now the weakening of the Houthis' principal ally, Iran. 'The most [the Houthis are] capable of doing is continuing symbolic attacks on Israel or potentially restarting activity in the Red Sea,' Raiman Al-Hamdani, an independent Yemen analyst, told Al Jazeera. 'But doing so could provoke a renewed military response from the US, Israel, and the UK, which might weaken their position domestically and open space for anti-Houthi groups to exploit any resulting instability.' However, analysts say that few of the groups that oppose the Houthis, including the Yemeni government, are in a position to take and effectively govern territory from the Houthis. And, should those groups mobilise, the Houthis would likely respond, Albukhaiti said. Advertisement Houthi forces could target any domestic opponents through 'oil and gas fields and platforms' as well as the 'airports and water distillation plants' of the countries he said backed the groups, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.
Observer
a day ago
- Business
- Observer
Break bureaucratic barriers for a smarter future
In recent months, His Majesty Sultan Haitham bin Tarik has led a notable wave of political and economic engagement, marked by official state visits to countries such as Belgium, the Netherlands, Russia and Algeria. These visits aim to bolster Oman's strategic, political and economic interests. They also reflect a broader ambition to expand Oman's horizons, foster dynamic trade relations with the global community, attract foreign investment, and project Oman as a model in the region and beyond. Alongside these diplomatic initiatives, Oman's soft power has been on full display. It played a vital role in hosting nuclear talks between the US and Iran — before they were undermined by Israeli actions — and in facilitating the halt of Ansar Allah attacks on maritime traffic in the Bab al Mandeb Strait and the Red Sea. These accomplishments reinforce Oman's balanced approach to regional instability and global conflict. They also have profound implications for global trade and security. Guided by His Majesty's forward-looking vision, there is an urgent need to translate this high-level economic philosophy into dynamic domestic momentum. This requires a flexible economy that can keep pace with global changes — whether in economic diversification, clean energy transition, attracting technological investment, or elevating the efficiency of public administration to meet these aspirations and generate meaningful job opportunities for Omanis. At the macro level, the national direction appears bold and clear. However, at the micro level, there is often a lack of alignment. Some units within the public service apparatus appear insufficiently responsive or engaged in delivering the agility required for today's dynamic economic landscape. This is particularly evident in sectors such as commerce, electronic governance, workforce nationalisation, and employment. Take agriculture and industry, for example. Business owners frequently raise concerns over high electricity tariffs and the contradictory requirements imposed by various service agencies. Many departments appear to focus on procedural minutiae at the expense of seeing the broader national objective — facilitating business activity, attracting investors, and, most importantly, empowering citizens to thrive in enterprise through enabling legislation and swift responsiveness. This lack of coherence partly explains the establishment of the 'Tajawob' platform, initiated by His Majesty to improve government responsiveness to public concerns. It also reflects the reality behind overcrowded service centres and complaints desks. If government units were already proactive and solutions-oriented, such measures might not have been necessary. Unfortunately, delays and complications remain common, especially in food security and industrial projects. A prime example is how some investors receive land through the Ministry of Housing and Urban Planning (MoHUP), only to be overwhelmed later by excessive conditions, fees, and delays from other agencies. The 'Invest in Oman' portal may boast about streamlined services, but the ground reality often tells a different story. In twenty-first-century Oman, we must move beyond entrenched bureaucracy in some service units and adopt a culture of proactive problem-solving. Our government strategy should reflect the same drive and energy at both the leadership and implementation levels, ensuring that the public and business communities feel the impact of policy reforms through tangible, everyday improvements. We must adopt a fully integrated, transparent, and user-friendly digital government system with minimal fees, making Oman a competitive destination for global investment. This, in turn, will help generate more jobs for young Omanis. There are successful global models to draw upon — Estonia, for example, with its digital ID system that allows citizens to vote, sign documents, pay taxes, and access nearly all government services online. Over 99 per cent of Estonia's government services are available around the clock. The concept of 'e-residency' even allows anyone in the world to register and run a company in Estonia remotely. Their paperless government eliminates outdated issues like unreliable staff attitudes, broken systems and absentee managers. By adopting such innovations, Oman can eliminate unnecessary delays and align its administrative practices with its bold economic vision — turning ambition into opportunity for its people and securing its place on the global economic map. The original version of this article was published in Arabic in Oman Arabic on June 15. Translated by Badr al Dhafri
Middle East Eye
2 days ago
- Politics
- Middle East Eye
'Unprecedented' civilian death toll in Yemen from US air strikes in 2025
US air strikes on Yemen have led to an "unprecedented" death toll in the country, according to a new report by a monitoring group. Airwars analysed hundreds of open source civilian harm claims and concluded that US President Donald Trump's bombardment of Yemen has been more deadly than any of his predecessors'. The report suggests Trump's military campaign has killed almost as many civilians in 52 days as in the previous 23 years of US military action against Yemen. Trump, who prior to his election had promised an end to US involvement in Middle Eastern wars, has been backing Israeli attacks against Iran in recent days and ordered attacks against Yemen's Ansar Allah, commonly known as the Houthis. Between the first recorded US strike in Yemen in 2002 until the beginning of Trump's Operation Rough Rider campaign in March 2025, Airwars tracked at least 258 civilians allegedly killed by US actions. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters In just two months of bombing this year, which ended with a ceasefire in May, Airwars documented at least 224 civilians in Yemen killed by American air strikes. Although the US claimed it was only trying to undermine the Houthis' military capabilities, Airwars said the high civilian casualty rate was increasingly becoming the norm in conflicts in the region. In just one attack on 17 April the US struck Ras Isa Port on the Red Sea, allegedly killing at least 84 civilians, including first responders from the Yemen Red Crescent Society and Civil Defence of Yemen. What did Houthis achieve in 18 months of attacks on the Red Sea? Read More » At least three children were amongst those killed. Airwars executive director Emily Tripp told Middle East Eye it was crucial not to lose sight of the civilian victims of escalating warfare at a time of geopolitical strife. "The news agenda is generally stacked against the stories of civilians in war - but how and where civilians were killed in Yemen is so important to understand, especially as the US is poised to intervene across the region," she said. "The US is one of the most powerful militaries in the world - it sets the tone and the norms of war. If we don't pay attention to this deadly campaign, how can we hold our governments to account in the face of future escalation?" Trump announced in May that in exchange for the US ceasing air strikes on Yemen, the Ansar Allah administration had agreed to stop attacking vessels travelling in the Red Sea, which it said it was doing in solidarity with the Palestinians in Gaza. The Yemeni group had targeted what it said were Israel-linked ships in the Red Sea since November 2023, and said that despite the ceasefire, attacks on Israeli ships and territory would continue. Over the weekend the Houthis launched strikes on Israel in apparently solidarity with Iran, who also struck targets across Israel. Wes Bryant, a US Special Operations veteran, told Airwars it was unlikely the administration had undertaken sufficient civilian harm mitigation measures during the Yemen campaign. '[For] each and every strike, there should be an equally weighted effort in civilian harm mitigation fitting with all of the doctrine and standards that we already have in place in the targeting process - from planning characterisation of the civilian environment before execution, to execution of the actual strike while in process,' said Bryant, who is also the former branch chief of civilian harm assessments at the Pentagon. 'I'd say [it is] a near impossibility to do the level of civilian harm mitigation we've seen in other campaigns with this high intensity of a strike campaign in such densely populated urban areas with, again, no actual partner forces on the ground and very limited source intelligence on the ground.' The US also backed an air campaign launched by Saudi Arabia in 2015 against the Houthis, in support of the internationally recognised government, that killed tens of thousands of civilians. The war has largely ceased since a truce and prisoner exchanges in 2022.
