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Indian Express
5 hours ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
A different nationalism: Let's go back to our Constitution
Written by Rahul Govind I will have to respectfully differ with the arguments of Yogendra Yadav and Akeel Bilgrami on nationalism. Bilgrami speaks of the 'unselfconscious pluralism' characterising 'centuries of Indian society', as reflected in Gandhian nationalism ('An alternative nationalism', IE, June 16), while Yadav maintains that once the modern Indian state is taken as a successor to Indian civilisation, the task is to define its 'cultural traits' ('The rediscovery of India', IE, June 5). Nirmal Verma is offered as a starting point for imagining a 'positive nationalism' that could save Indian civilisation from its 'inner disintegration' under colonialism (and the post-colonial state). This despite Yadav acknowledging that Verma 'hints at Hindus [being] the custodians of national unity and integrity', that he 'equivocated' on the role of Islam in Indian civilisation and exhibited a 'pronounced unease, if not denial, of the question of caste inequality' ('A critic of the modern Indian mind', IE, June, 17). Is this the beginning of a rethinking, or is this, instead, a pale reflection of the majoritarianism of the times? Indian nationalism drew on India's past, but drew equally from a global heritage involving ideas such as popular sovereignty and fundamental rights. Even after the Gandhian intervention and mass nationalism in the early 1920s, several factors led to the nationalist agenda, including critical reform on land and caste. This broadening of the terrain of struggle over social and economic rights was not sui generis to the initial Gandhian intervention. It was due to popular movements, and figures like B R Ambedkar, as well as Communists and Socialists. The crowning achievement was the Indian Constitution, which enshrined ideals regarding fundamental rights and universal franchise as well as social protections and land reform. Seeped in our consciousness of Indian nationalism is Gandhi's humiliation at the hands of racists on that infamous train from Durban to Pretoria. Much less known is Ambedkar's experience in Chalisgaon in 1929, in the midst of the national movement. As a part of a committee, appointed by the Bombay government to investigate caste oppression, he alighted at the railway station of Chalisgaon. When he was about to start his journey towards Maharwada, 'the quarters of the untouchables', he couldn't find a single tonga. After an hour or so, when he got one and paced towards his destination, the cart crashed, the horse bolted, and he was, in his own words, 'thrown down on the stone pavement', which resulted in a fractured leg and serious injuries. The accident occurred because the driver had never driven a tonga before. He was forced to do so because no tonga driver would agree to seat a Dalit in his carriage. In the same text, Waiting for a Visa, Ambedkar writes of a doctor refusing to attend to a Dalit's wife, resulting in her death. Just two years before the Chalisgaon incident, Ambedkar had the Manusmriti publicly burned in response to upper-caste attacks on Dalits who had drawn water from a public water tank. This kind of response against Dalits organising to access public spaces, schools, roads, and temples was not unusual. At the Mahad Satyagraha, Ambedkar invoked the ideals of the French Revolution, as he was to do in his Annihilation of Caste. Caste oppression was more fully addressed by the national movement because of popular campaigns around rights to representation, land and identity by figures like Ambedkar, who combated inherited legacies of discrimination using a global vocabulary of democratic rights. The inclusivity of the national movement, therefore, was not a civilisational inheritance. In the 1930s, Gandhi too invoked the 'secular' in the context of untouchability and temple entry, just as he came to accept the demand for a Constituent Assembly, a wholly 'modern' idea. There is a view that caste oppression was not native to our civilisation, but was imposed by the colonial state. Even if we credit the British with unmatched capacities in collective hypnosis, this argument cannot be taken seriously. Certainly, the British had no intention of establishing equality. But it is patently false to attribute caste violence and its hierarchical social arrangements solely to the colonial state, denying any role to Indians or Indian history. That caste hierarchy was a social and political reality before colonial rule is well established. Notwithstanding the riches of India's heritage, it would be historically inaccurate to think that one could find there a grammar for universal franchise, popular sovereignty, and justiciable fundamental rights, those distinctive features of our Constitution. This grammar emerged from a global conjuncture, and cannot be traced to any one historical or civilisational heritage, whether 'Western' or 'Indian'. The idea of a nation-state may be taken to be a political form where the nation, or the people, exercise sovereignty, expressed by institutional protocols such as elections, and regulated by norms such as equality, fundamental rights, including gender rights. The emergence of these ideas, including equality and liberty, cannot be understood without reference to revolutions such as the ones in France and Haiti. But these ideals were not intrinsic to some a priori nation called 'France', and it was not long before Napoleon reestablished the empire and slavery. Such ideals were not institutionalised in any 'Western' country, 'internally' or 'externally'. One can speak here of violent empires, not nation-states, arguably until the post-Second World War order. The contention that the ills of the day are caused by a small 'westernised' elite, and that one has to reach back to a corralled history, civilisational past or the nationalist movement to address contemporary challenges, is to misunderstand the past as much as the present. Nationalism ought to be judged good or ill depending on the extent to which it embodies popular will and universal values such as equality. Struggles over representation, caste, gender, federalism and welfare in the post-colonial state have parallels with the national movement as well as with those the world over, simply because a particular language of rights and constitution-making emerged in modernity. It is to the Constitution and a modern global heritage of rights and values that these movements turn. The benchmark of nationalism can only be the Constitution, a revolutionary and transformative document, not the echo of an ever-existing civilisational heritage. The writer teaches History at Delhi University
Time of India
5 hours ago
- Politics
- Time of India
PM accuses RJD of insulting Ambedkar, praises Nitish
1 2 Patna: Prime Minister (PM) Narendra Modi on Friday launched a scathing attack on the RJD, accusing it of insulting Dr B R Ambedkar and contributing to Bihar's backwardness. He contrasted this with his praise for CM Nitish Kumar, crediting him with pulling the state out of the "jungle raj and loot" that he said prevailed before 2005 under the rule of Lalu Prasad and Rabri Devi. "Nitish has brought Bihar back on track from the jungle raj and prepared the launchpad for the state's development," Modi said while addressing his fourth public rally in Bihar this year. The event followed the remote inauguration and foundation-laying of projects worth Rs 9,518 crore at Jasoli in Siwan district. The projects included the launch of a Vande Bharat Express train between Patliputra Junction in Patna and Gorakhpur in Uttar Pradesh, the first consignment of diesel locomotives from the Marhaura rail factory in Saran and several schemes under the rail, energy and urban development departments. Referring to a recent controversy, Modi cited an incident where a portrait of Dr Ambedkar was placed near Lalu's feet by one of his supporters during the RJD chief's birthday celebration on June 11. "I know they will never apologise for disrespecting Ambedkar. By insulting Baba Saheb, these people want to show themselves as bigger than him. The people of Bihar will never forget this insult. They have no respect for Dalits and extremely backward people," he said. "RJD keeps Baba Saheb at its feet, but Modi keeps him in his heart," he added. Modi accused the RJD and Congress of turning a once-prosperous Bihar into a symbol of migration. "They are now trying to grab power again by resorting to different tricks. But I have faith in the youth. They will keep them away from power. Together you have eradicated jungle raj in Bihar," he said. Modi also targeted the previous govts for their slogan-driven politics. "The youth have only heard stories about the plight of Bihar but have no idea what the jungle raj people had done to the state," he said. Highlighting his participation in the recent G7 summit, the PM said world leaders now recognise India as the third-largest economic superpower. "Bihar is definitely going to play a very big role in the country's prosperity," he said. At the event, Modi handed over house keys to 6,684 beneficiaries in Bihar and took a swipe at past govts. "While Congress and RJD kept shouting the 'Garibi Hatao' slogan for decades, the NDA govt has shown how poverty can actually be reduced. More than 25 crore people have come out of poverty in India, including 3.75 crore in Bihar, in the last decade," he said. "Our slogan is Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, but those with lanterns and the hand (RJD-Congress) believe only in parivar ka saath, parivar ka vikas," Modi said.
United News of India
6 hours ago
- Politics
- United News of India
RJD and Congress insulted Ambedkar: PM
Siwan (Bihar), June 20 (UNI) Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Friday charged the RJD and Congress with having no respect for the architect of Constitution Baba Saheb Bheemrao Ambedkar as both the had "insulted" him and that they would never apologise despite demands being made by the people. The PM was addressing a public meeting organised here to launch and lay foundation stones for multiple development projects worth Rs 5,900 crores. While making an oblique reference to RJD chief Lalu Prasad whose video with photo of Ambedkar at his feet had gone viral during his birthday, Modi said that such behaviour reflected that RJD and Congress had no respect for Ambedkar. Modi said that RJD and Congress had no concern for dalits, backwards and the deprived and that they never made any effort to improve their condition when in power. On the other hand, his government was working in accordance with the principles and vision of development of all sections of society without any discrimination, he stressed. UNI KKS PRS
Hindustan Times
7 hours ago
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Lalu Prasad's 'jhumla' jibe after PM Narendra Modi's rally: 'Weather warning for Bihar'
Shortly after Prime Minister Narendra Modi launched a scathing attack on RJD president Lalu Prasad Yadav in Bihar, the former chief minister hit back and issued a 'weather alert' for 'heavy rain of lies, false promises and illusions' for the poll-bound state. In a post X, Lalu Prasad shared an AI-generated video with clips of PM Modi, Bihar CM Nitish Kumar, and wrote, "Weather warning in the interest of Bihar- Today there is heavy rain of lies, false promises and illusions in Bihar, hailstones of false and tempting promises are also falling along with thunder, be careful." Earlier in the day, Modi attacked the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) chief over allegations that he "insulted" BR Ambedkar during his birthday celebrations. The remarks came in reference to a viral video that surfaced earlier this week, showing Yadav's feet near Ambedkar's portrait. 'The whole country saw what the RJD did to Babasaheb's photo recently.... I know that these people will never apologise because they have no respect for the Dalits and the backwards. RJD and Congress place Babasaheb's photo at their feet while Modi keeps him in his heart,' Modi said. He further slammed RJD and the Congress for looting Bihar, saying that poverty became the state's "misfortune". "Those who brought 'jungle raj' to Bihar are looking for an opportunity to repeat their old deeds somehow. You have to be very cautious for the bright future of your children," the prime minister said during a public gathering in Siwan. PM Modi described RJD and Congress' actions as "anti-Bihar and anti-investment". He said that they just nurtured "poor infrastructure, mafia raj, gunda raj, and corruption". Further taking a swipe at the opposition, Modi said that the gist of their politics is "parivar ka sath, parivar ka vikas". "They do not shy away from harming crores of families in Bihar for the benefit of their families. Babasaheb Ambedkar was against such politics," he added.
Time of India
8 hours ago
- Politics
- Time of India
Ambedkar In My Heart, Not At Anyone's Feet: PM Modi Slams RJD Chief Lalu Yadav Over Viral Video
Prime Minister Narendra Modi lashed out at RJD chief Lalu Prasad Yadav over a viral video showing BR Ambedkar's portrait allegedly placed near Yadav's feet during a birthday event. Addressing a rally in Siwan, Bihar, PM Modi declared that 'Ambedkar resides in my heart' and accused the RJD of disrespecting Dalits and backward communities. The PM said, 'RJD will never apologise because they have no respect for Dalits.' The controversy led to notices from the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Bihar SC Commission. PM Modi used the moment to reaffirm NDA's commitment to uplifting the underprivileged and accused the Opposition of stalling Bihar's development. He said while NDA has brought the state back on track, RJD and Congress are dragging it backward.#modilalufight #ambedkarinsult #dalitrespect #pmmodisiwan #rjdcontroversy #modibihar #dalitrights #ambedkarlegacy #modirjdclash #ambedkarviralvideo #toi #toibharat #bharat #breakingnews #indianews Read More
