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Tocqueville's forgotten solution to America's democratic crisis
Tocqueville's forgotten solution to America's democratic crisis

The Hill

time2 days ago

  • Politics
  • The Hill

Tocqueville's forgotten solution to America's democratic crisis

To save our democracy, the 19th-century French aristocrat Alexis de Tocqueville would tell us, start a book club. Join a church. Or, perhaps most crucially, volunteer at a local school or run for school board. The specific activity matters less — what's essential is coming together with fellow citizens for a common purpose. This may sound inconsequential when compared to the present challenges to our democracy, but it's rooted in Tocqueville's penetrating observations of early America. Having witnessed his own relatives falling to the guillotine during the French Revolution, he understood democracy's dangers as well as its promise. In 1831, he journeyed to America to study its democratic experiment and distill lessons to guide France's turbulent political evolution. What he saw amazed him. 'Americans of all ages, all conditions, and all dispositions constantly form associations,' he wrote. They gathered in churches, town halls, libraries, charitable organizations, colleges and more. He watched Americans resolving disputes, pursuing shared goals across partisan lines, and investing in one another—practicing democracy. These local, face-to-face acts that were possible only in the emerging democratic social order trained citizens to act collectively and formed counterweights to centralized authority and to mass movements. Yet this civic vitality did not emerge spontaneously: Education, Tocqueville argued, was its vital seedbed. 'It cannot be doubted,' Tocqueville wrote, 'that in the United States the instruction of the people powerfully contributes to the support of the democratic republic.' Early American colleges aimed to form citizens, not just workers. They taught not only practical skills but also the art of self-governance. Education forms citizens. Citizens, working together, create and sustain democracy. Today, we're headed the wrong way. When education becomes a partisan battlefield — through defunding universities, constraining academic inquiry, or promoting ideological conformity on campuses — we undermine a fundamental democratic institution, one that is especially critical to build the next generation's ability to practice democracy. History is clear: When authoritarianism or ideological conformity rises, liberal education is an early target. And it is exactly liberal education, the institution freely trading ideas vital to nourishing democracy, that must be defended and grown. Democrats and Republicans alike, and too many educational institutions themselves, tend to measure education's value exclusively by graduates' salaries, not by their value to the health of the republic. This undervalues education's purpose in democracy. Education must remain steadfast in its role as a cornerstone of democracy, not just as a pathway to prosperity. At St. John's College, where I am president, we uphold the root meaning of liberal education— the education that frees. This is the education America needs now. Our 'great books' curriculum brings students together around a seminar table to discuss texts reflecting every pole of our society's political, religious, and moral axes, from Aristotle to Baldwin, Adam Smith to Marx, Aquinas to Nietzsche. This education is at least as broad as the range of our society's fundamental values, because these texts are the sources or classic statements of those values. This breadth of inquiry explodes ideological bubbles, requiring students to consider ideas they would usually dismiss. Students must articulate reasoned positions and listen attentively even to those they disagree with, working together to reach deeper understanding. Each seminar table really becomes a miniature republic, where ideas clash but people cooperate — a model that can thrive in settings from community colleges to public high schools to neighborhood book clubs. When students wrestle with Aristotle's Politics or Locke's Second Treatise, they engage with foundational questions of self-governance. When they read Shakespeare or Dostoevsky, they develop empathy and moral imagination — capacities that counteract the dehumanization of opponents that fuels hyper-partisanship and degrades democracy. When they read Euclid or Einstein, they develop habits of logical reasoning and the ability to weigh evidence. These texts develop precisely the capacities Tocqueville identified as essential for civic health in a democracy. Most importantly, liberal education nurtures what Tocqueville called 'self-interest rightly understood'—the recognition that individual flourishing depends on collective wellbeing. This perspective counters the narrow self-interest that undermines civic friendship. By engaging with texts across centuries and cultures in community, students discover their own interests are bound up with a broader human collective. The decline in civic engagement that Tocqueville would have found alarming is all too familiar in contemporary America. In 2000, Robert Putnam's 'Bowling Alone' documented a civic withdrawal that has helped lead to our weakened democratic institutions. Yuval Levin's 'A Time to Build' updated this argument in 2020 and challenged us to renew our institutions. Church membership fell from 70 percent in 2000 to 47 percent in 2020. In 2018, for the first time, less than half of households reported any charitable giving. Union membership reached a record low of 9.9 percent in 2024. And we have now seen a profound collapse in confidence in our institutions of higher education. This civic vacuum isn't just unfortunate — it is dangerous. We become strangers to one another, vulnerable to manipulation and increasingly unable to distinguish fact from fiction. Here's the challenge: Our democracy is eroding rapidly, and civic culture builds slowly. And Tocqueville warns us that there is no shortcut. 'In democratic countries, the art of association is the mother of art; the progress of all the rest depends upon the progress it has made.' Democratic preservation requires both immediate work to counter democratic breakdown and long-term investment in our civic infrastructure. So don't allow the chaos of national politics to paralyze or overwhelm you. Tocqueville reminds us that democracy is not only defended in courtrooms and capitals—its living roots are in living rooms, classrooms and local halls. Go to a city council meeting. Volunteer at the library. Champion liberal education. When we do so, we quietly stitch the fabric of our democracy—thread by thread, action by action — before it unravels beyond repair. J. Walter Sterling is the President of St. John's College in Santa Fe.

Let's get rid of this embarrassing King's birthday holiday
Let's get rid of this embarrassing King's birthday holiday

Sydney Morning Herald

time08-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Sydney Morning Herald

Let's get rid of this embarrassing King's birthday holiday

Those distilled values – whether in the American or Australian vernacular – are shorthand ways of referring to the driving force of democracy; the fight for equality. As that greater observer of democracy Alexis de Tocqueville noted, equality is the basic theme that has maintained itself through the ages, that has prevailed through the obstacles and contradictions of Western intellectual history. Loading Equality doesn't mean that some people don't hold power or status. What it does mean is that power and status are earned – and that they can be taken away and exercised by someone else. No matter what King Charles does, his reign will endure until he dies or abdicates, at which time it will be immediately embodied in another family member. This is incontestable, inherited superiority – the opposite of equality. Equality doesn't mean sameness either – in fact, it means the freedom to be different. Perhaps the growing supremacy of sport in Australian culture, and all that goes with it, is the reason behind Australia's lack of interest in the source of our democratic freedoms. We don't do difference very well any more. We were far more eccentric in the past. We shy away from discussions about politics or ideas, content with the distraction of betting on who kicks the next goal. Patrick White might have been right when he predicted that ' sport could sink us '. Loading The inclination to run away from political discussion is passed off as endearing Aussie nonchalance – 'she'll be right, mate'. But it's not admirable – it's a sign of privilege and immaturity. Every Australian should be able to explain what it means to be a democratic country, and how it aligns with our freedoms, including the freedom to celebrate the natural beauty, the clear skies and clean waters of our land. Every Australian should recognise their freedom to observe, judge and criticise their nation – a marker of democracy. This includes a vigorous questioning of today's celebration, and the right to wonder what the hell it means. If our right to criticise were taken from us, we would certainly feel its loss. But would we even be able to articulate what went wrong? As in the US, the greatest threat to our political freedoms may be indifference and lack of interest. All new Australians are informed of what citizenship means; of the freedom that it bestows. Perhaps it will be these Australians – many from less democratic nations and more attuned to what democracy looks like – who will question the incongruity of a loudly egalitarian nation participating (however feebly) in the birthday party of an unelected figurehead – an elderly King on the other side of the world. Let's hope a new and inquisitive generation of Australians will reignite the flame of republicanism. Let's hope sometime soon we'll give the King his final birthday greetings, and tell him, finally, belatedly, to nick off.

10 Eerie predictions from history that shockingly came true
10 Eerie predictions from history that shockingly came true

Time of India

time07-06-2025

  • Entertainment
  • Time of India

10 Eerie predictions from history that shockingly came true

Predictions have fascinated humanity for centuries, whether they came from prophets, scientists, or writers. While most forecasts miss the mark or fade into obscurity, a rare few have turned out to be incredibly accurate. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now These striking insights offered glimpses into the future that seemed almost too precise to believe. Some were rooted in deep observation, while others appeared to be the result of sheer intuition. From world wars and space travel to the internet and organ transplants, these predictions came true in ways that continue to amaze us today. Here are ten historical forecasts that remarkably became reality. From Wi-Fi to World War, predictions that came true across the world 1. The Cold War- Alexis de Tocqueville (1840) French political philosopher Alexis de Tocqueville predicted the rise of two dominant global powers during his travels in the United States. In Democracy in America, he wrote that Russia and America would one day "hold the destinies of half the world in their hands." This seemed unlikely in the 19th century, but Tocqueville's foresight was remarkable. His prediction came true during the Cold War era in the 20th century, when the United States and the Soviet Union emerged as superpowers locked in a tense global rivalry that shaped world politics for decades. 2. His own death- Mark Twain (1909) Samuel Clemens, better known as Mark Twain, was born shortly after Halley's Comet passed in 1835. In 1909, Twain made a striking prediction about his own death. He famously said, 'I came in with Halley's Comet… it is coming again, and I expect to go out with it.' This eerie prediction proved accurate when Twain died on April 21, 1910—just one day after the comet's return. His statement is often cited as one of the most personal and accurate prophecies ever made by a public figure. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now 3. Wireless communication- Nikola Tesla (Early 1900s) Nikola Tesla was far ahead of his time in predicting the future of communication technology. In 1909, he envisioned a world where wireless messages could be transmitted easily and widely, so simple that anyone could own and operate their own device. Tesla also described a 'global brain' connected by wireless networks, anticipating the modern internet. His remarkable foresight paved the way for mobile phones, Wi-Fi, and other wireless technologies that have become essential to everyday life, transforming the way people communicate, access information, and interact worldwide. 4. World War II- Ferdinand Foch (1919) French general Ferdinand Foch expressed deep concerns over the Treaty of Versailles, signed after World War I. He believed the treaty was far too lenient on Germany and warned that it was not a true peace but merely an armistice that would last twenty years. His fears were tragically realized in 1939 when Germany invaded Poland, triggering World War II. Foch's statement showed his sharp understanding of the political realities and tensions that would soon escalate into another devastating global conflict just two decades after the end of the first. 5. Photo and colour technology- John Elfreth Watkins (1900) In 1900, engineer John Elfreth Watkins published an article titled What May Happen in the Next Hundred Years. He made several striking predictions, including the ability to 'telegraph photographs from any distance,' foreseeing real-time image sharing and live broadcasts. Watkins also anticipated the development of full-color photography at a time when black-and-white photos were the norm. His vision accurately forecasted technological advances that have since revolutionized media, communication, and entertainment, shaping how people capture and share moments in vibrant color and instant detail. 6. Organ transplants- Robert Boyle (Mid-17th Century) Robert Boyle, a founder of modern chemistry, imagined future medical breakthroughs long before they were possible. Among his scientific hopes was the 'cure of diseases by transplantation,' despite having no scientific basis or technology to achieve this at the time. Nearly three centuries later, Boyle's vision became reality when the first successful human kidney transplant was performed in 1954. His foresight reflects the spirit of scientific progress—anticipating life-saving treatments that continue to evolve and transform modern medicine today. 7. The Moon landing- Jules Verne (1865) Jules Verne's science fiction novel From the Earth to the Moon described a manned mission to the moon launched from Florida. The story included a capsule called the 'Columbiad,' carrying three astronauts who splashed down in the ocean upon return. Verne's imaginative details were astonishingly accurate. Exactly 100 years later, NASA's Apollo 11 mission launched from Florida with a spacecraft called 'Columbia,' a crew of three astronauts, and a splashdown recovery in the ocean. His visionary writing remains a remarkable example of fiction predicting reality. 8. The Titanic disaster- Morgan Robertson (1898) In his novella Futility, or the Wreck of the Titan, Morgan Robertson eerily described the sinking of an 'unsinkable' giant ship named Titan, which struck an iceberg in the North Atlantic. The story included details such as a lack of enough lifeboats, resulting in massive loss of life. Fourteen years after the novella's publication, the real Titanic met almost the exact same fate in 1912. The parallels between Robertson's fictional ship and the Titanic's disaster continue to fascinate and shock readers and historians alike. 9. Satellite communications- Arthur C. Clarke (1945) In 1945, science fiction writer Arthur C. Clarke proposed using geostationary satellites to enable global communications. At the time, this idea was purely theoretical. Clarke's vision became the blueprint for modern satellite technology, which today supports GPS navigation, television broadcasts, and worldwide internet connectivity. The orbit Clarke described is now known as the 'Clarke Orbit,' and his prediction helped shape the way people around the world communicate and access information from space-based systems. 10. Smartphones and AI assistants- Ray Kurzweil (Early 1990s) Inventor and futurist Ray Kurzweil foresaw a future where people would carry portable devices connected to a global network, offering real-time information and voice interaction. In the early 1990s, Kurzweil predicted the rise of smartphones and AI-powered digital assistants like Siri and Alexa. Today, these technologies are a part of everyday life, transforming communication, productivity, and personal convenience. His predictions highlight how artificial intelligence and mobile computing continue to reshape society in profound ways.

Opinion - Civil society is not dead just yet
Opinion - Civil society is not dead just yet

Yahoo

time30-05-2025

  • Business
  • Yahoo

Opinion - Civil society is not dead just yet

For most people these days, the rapid and oscillating shifts occurring in the federal government are impossible to keep up with in real-time. How many of the cuts initiated by DOGE will be actualized? Will federal layoffs and reorganization stick or be reversed by the courts? Which new executive orders will be implemented? Will the 'big, beautiful' tax and spending bill cut Medicaid, youth programs and housing assistance? How much should we worry about a backlog of disaster aid requests as hurricane season approaches, or about the extreme economic uncertainty of an escalating trade war? Given the pace and intensity of the changes happening in Washington, it is understandable for citizens to feel overwhelmed — to worry about who will come out ahead, who will be left behind and how each of us will be affected. But before we let those questions turn to doubt over whether America can survive so much political turmoil, we should ask one more: Since when have we relied on politicians to provide for all of our economic, political and social needs? After all, civil society has always connected and provided for Americans as much as, if not more, than the government. A federal government that does less may even reinvigorate our penchant for working together, reminding us that we are less divided and more capable than politicians would have us believe. When French political philosopher Alexis de Tocqueville traveled across the U.S. in the 1830s, he was struck by the thriving associational life he found in the burgeoning democratic republic. Seemingly everywhere he turned, he saw local newspapers, workers' collectives, neighborhood groups and religious organizations actively participating in self-governance. He saw individuals who primarily relied on themselves for their own needs eagerly join their neighbors in order to pursue collective goals and address social ills. For every problem or concern, Tocqueville claimed, you could find a group gathering to address it. Ever since Tocqueville first observed this uniquely American art of association, observers have cautioned about its waning importance in daily life. To some degree, they may have a point. Technological advancements have led to fewer bowling leagues and book clubs and more nights in front of the television or doomscrolling through social media. A decline in religiosity has stunted private social services, and perhaps vice versa. Critically, the federal administrative state crowds out some charity and weakens our capacity for self-governance. Federal funding for research has made universities less independent. Municipal consolidation and federal policies have made schools larger and less adaptable. Many nonprofits rely on funding from federal grants. In 2021, for instance, over 100,000 U.S. charities received over $267 billion from the government. It seems that in our search for government solutions to the complex challenges of modern society, we've ended up more reliant on Washington to ease our troubles. Viewed this way, the changes the Trump administration is attempting could very well sever the already fraying political, economic and social fabric of America. A closer examination of America's commitment to the art of association, however, may help alleviate our fears. As state and federal governments enact restrictions on educational curriculum, for example, parents, nonprofits and companies have stepped in to fill the gap. Barnes and Noble offers a summer reading program where kids can earn free books. Dolly Parton's Imagination Library distributes free books to children across the world. Banned book clubs have sprouted up across the country. Private tutors, summer camps and homeschooling all provide alternative educational experiences that can spark creativity and provide the intellectual rigor that standardized curricula and testing often lack. After disasters, it is often local associations that help spur recovery. They keep up communication among neighbors, provide necessary goods and services and signal a commitment to their communities. Churches, coffee shops and community centers become hubs for providing meals, recharging electronics and accessing the internet and strategizing about next steps. Neighbors help one another and come together to petition the government for resources. While it is understandable to worry about politics in Washington, it is also vital to remember that Americans also have a vibrant associational life. Our ability to come together, discuss issues, and experiment with solutions is what, in Tocqueville's eyes, made America great. A modern America thrives on the recognition that everyday citizens can and do come together to solve problems. Stefanie Haeffele is a senior fellow with the Mercatus Center's F. A. Hayek Program for Advanced Study in Philosophy, Politics, and Economics. Virgil Henry Storr is Mercatus' vice president for Academic and Student Programs and the Don C. Lavoie Senior Fellow with the Hayek Program. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

Civil society is not dead just yet
Civil society is not dead just yet

The Hill

time30-05-2025

  • Politics
  • The Hill

Civil society is not dead just yet

For most people these days, the rapid and oscillating shifts occurring in the federal government are impossible to keep up with in real-time. How many of the cuts initiated by DOGE will be actualized? Will federal layoffs and reorganization stick or be reversed by the courts? Which new executive orders will be implemented? Will the 'big, beautiful' tax and spending bill cut Medicaid, youth programs and housing assistance? How much should we worry about a backlog of disaster aid requests as hurricane season approaches, or about the extreme economic uncertainty of an escalating trade war? Given the pace and intensity of the changes happening in Washington, it is understandable for citizens to feel overwhelmed — to worry about who will come out ahead, who will be left behind and how each of us will be affected. But before we let those questions turn to doubt over whether America can survive so much political turmoil, we should ask one more: Since when have we relied on politicians to provide for all of our economic, political and social needs? After all, civil society has always connected and provided for Americans as much as, if not more, than the government. A federal government that does less may even reinvigorate our penchant for working together, reminding us that we are less divided and more capable than politicians would have us believe. When French political philosopher Alexis de Tocqueville traveled across the U.S. in the 1830s, he was struck by the thriving associational life he found in the burgeoning democratic republic. Seemingly everywhere he turned, he saw local newspapers, workers' collectives, neighborhood groups and religious organizations actively participating in self-governance. He saw individuals who primarily relied on themselves for their own needs eagerly join their neighbors in order to pursue collective goals and address social ills. For every problem or concern, Tocqueville claimed, you could find a group gathering to address it. Ever since Tocqueville first observed this uniquely American art of association, observers have cautioned about its waning importance in daily life. To some degree, they may have a point. Technological advancements have led to fewer bowling leagues and book clubs and more nights in front of the television or doomscrolling through social media. A decline in religiosity has stunted private social services, and perhaps vice versa. Critically, the federal administrative state crowds out some charity and weakens our capacity for self-governance. Federal funding for research has made universities less independent. Municipal consolidation and federal policies have made schools larger and less adaptable. Many nonprofits rely on funding from federal grants. In 2021, for instance, over 100,000 U.S. charities received over $267 billion from the government. It seems that in our search for government solutions to the complex challenges of modern society, we've ended up more reliant on Washington to ease our troubles. Viewed this way, the changes the Trump administration is attempting could very well sever the already fraying political, economic and social fabric of America. A closer examination of America's commitment to the art of association, however, may help alleviate our fears. As state and federal governments enact restrictions on educational curriculum, for example, parents, nonprofits and companies have stepped in to fill the gap. Barnes and Noble offers a summer reading program where kids can earn free books. Dolly Parton's Imagination Library distributes free books to children across the world. Banned book clubs have sprouted up across the country. Private tutors, summer camps and homeschooling all provide alternative educational experiences that can spark creativity and provide the intellectual rigor that standardized curricula and testing often lack. After disasters, it is often local associations that help spur recovery. They keep up communication among neighbors, provide necessary goods and services and signal a commitment to their communities. Churches, coffee shops and community centers become hubs for providing meals, recharging electronics and accessing the internet and strategizing about next steps. Neighbors help one another and come together to petition the government for resources. While it is understandable to worry about politics in Washington, it is also vital to remember that Americans also have a vibrant associational life. Our ability to come together, discuss issues, and experiment with solutions is what, in Tocqueville's eyes, made America great. A modern America thrives on the recognition that everyday citizens can and do come together to solve problems. Stefanie Haeffele is a senior fellow with the Mercatus Center's F. A. Hayek Program for Advanced Study in Philosophy, Politics, and Economics. Virgil Henry Storr is Mercatus' vice president for Academic and Student Programs and the Don C. Lavoie Senior Fellow with the Hayek Program.

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