Civil society is not dead just yet

For most people these days, the rapid and oscillating shifts occurring in the federal government are impossible to keep up with in real-time.
How many of the cuts initiated by DOGE will be actualized? Will federal layoffs and reorganization stick or be reversed by the courts? Which new executive orders will be implemented? Will the 'big, beautiful' tax and spending bill cut Medicaid, youth programs and housing assistance? How much should we worry about a backlog of disaster aid requests as hurricane season approaches, or about the extreme economic uncertainty of an escalating trade war?
Given the pace and intensity of the changes happening in Washington, it is understandable for citizens to feel overwhelmed — to worry about who will come out ahead, who will be left behind and how each of us will be affected.
But before we let those questions turn to doubt over whether America can survive so much political turmoil, we should ask one more: Since when have we relied on politicians to provide for all of our economic, political and social needs?
After all, civil society has always connected and provided for Americans as much as, if not more, than the government. A federal government that does less may even reinvigorate our penchant for working together, reminding us that we are less divided and more capable than politicians would have us believe.
When French political philosopher Alexis de Tocqueville traveled across the U.S. in the 1830s, he was struck by the thriving associational life he found in the burgeoning democratic republic. Seemingly everywhere he turned, he saw local newspapers, workers' collectives, neighborhood groups and religious organizations actively participating in self-governance.
He saw individuals who primarily relied on themselves for their own needs eagerly join their neighbors in order to pursue collective goals and address social ills. For every problem or concern, Tocqueville claimed, you could find a group gathering to address it.
Ever since Tocqueville first observed this uniquely American art of association, observers have cautioned about its waning importance in daily life.
To some degree, they may have a point. Technological advancements have led to fewer bowling leagues and book clubs and more nights in front of the television or doomscrolling through social media. A decline in religiosity has stunted private social services, and perhaps vice versa.
Critically, the federal administrative state crowds out some charity and weakens our capacity for self-governance. Federal funding for research has made universities less independent. Municipal consolidation and federal policies have made schools larger and less adaptable. Many nonprofits rely on funding from federal grants. In 2021, for instance, over 100,000 U.S. charities received over $267 billion from the government.
It seems that in our search for government solutions to the complex challenges of modern society, we've ended up more reliant on Washington to ease our troubles.
Viewed this way, the changes the Trump administration is attempting could very well sever the already fraying political, economic and social fabric of America. A closer examination of America's commitment to the art of association, however, may help alleviate our fears.
As state and federal governments enact restrictions on educational curriculum, for example, parents, nonprofits and companies have stepped in to fill the gap.
Barnes and Noble offers a summer reading program where kids can earn free books. Dolly Parton's Imagination Library distributes free books to children across the world. Banned book clubs have sprouted up across the country. Private tutors, summer camps and homeschooling all provide alternative educational experiences that can spark creativity and provide the intellectual rigor that standardized curricula and testing often lack.
After disasters, it is often local associations that help spur recovery. They keep up communication among neighbors, provide necessary goods and services and signal a commitment to their communities.
Churches, coffee shops and community centers become hubs for providing meals, recharging electronics and accessing the internet and strategizing about next steps. Neighbors help one another and come together to petition the government for resources.
While it is understandable to worry about politics in Washington, it is also vital to remember that Americans also have a vibrant associational life. Our ability to come together, discuss issues, and experiment with solutions is what, in Tocqueville's eyes, made America great.
A modern America thrives on the recognition that everyday citizens can and do come together to solve problems.
Stefanie Haeffele is a senior fellow with the Mercatus Center's F. A. Hayek Program for Advanced Study in Philosophy, Politics, and Economics. Virgil Henry Storr is Mercatus' vice president for Academic and Student Programs and the Don C. Lavoie Senior Fellow with the Hayek Program.

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an hour ago

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'The United States makes the best and most lethal military equipment anywhere in the World, BY FAR, and that Israel has a lot of it, with much more to come - And they know how to use it,' he wrote on social media. But Trump suggested that diplomacy was his first choice, and urged Iran to make a deal. 'Now they have, perhaps, a second chance' to get it done, he said. Trump talked to Russian President Vladimir Putin in the morning, and they discussed the conflict between Israel and Iran. The next round of talks between the U.S. and Iran was canceled. As Israel and Iran continued to trade strikes, Trump attended a military parade in Washington. It was the 250th anniversary of the U.S. Army, as well as his 79th birthday. The muscular display of American military might — tanks, troops, paratroopers and a 21-gun salute — played out in the nation's capital as the potential for a new conflict loomed. Trump spent the day talking up his reputation as a peacemaker, encouraging Iran and Israel to 'make a deal' similar to how he had brokered an end to fighting between India and Pakistan. 'Many calls and meetings now taking place,' Trump wrote on social media. 'I do a lot, and never get credit for anything, but that's OK, the PEOPLE understand. MAKE THE MIDDLE EAST GREAT AGAIN!' Iran's health ministry said 224 people had been killed by Israeli strikes at this point in the conflict. Reports also emerged that Trump had rejected an Israeli plan to kill Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. U.S. officials viewed the idea as dangerously destabilizing. Trump flew to Canada for the annual Group of Seven summit, which gathers the world's most powerful democracies. He would not be there long. Israel claimed it had achieved 'aerial superiority' over Tehran, allowing its warplanes to operate freely in the skies above Iran's capital. 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Trump also brushed off assessments from U.S. spy agencies that Iran hadn't decided to build a nuclear weapon. He insisted they were 'very close.' The sun had not yet risen when Trump arrived at the White House. He took part in a meeting in the Situation Room, but did not appear publicly. With little clarity on next steps, State Department spokeswoman Tammy Bruce told reporters that "I'm here to take questions, not necessarily answer them.' By this point, there was no question that Trump was considering joining Israel's attacks on Iran. 'I may do it, I may not do it,' he said that morning. 'Nobody knows what I'm going to do.' The president spoke to reporters while overseeing the installation of a massive new flagpole on the South Lawn of the White House, toggling back and forth between chatting up construction workers in hard hats and sizing up the Iranian nuclear threat. Later, in the Oval Office, Trump again suggested that the U.S. might get directly involved to thwart Iran's atomic ambitions. 'I'm not looking to fight,' he said. 'But if it's a choice between fighting and having a nuclear weapon, you have to do what you have to do.' On Capitol Hill, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth told lawmakers the Pentagon was presenting Trump with military options. It was a federal holiday — Juneteenth — and much of Washington took the hot, steamy day off, but White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt scheduled a briefing nonetheless. She entered the briefing room to deliver a message from the president: He would decide within two weeks whether to become directly involved in Israel's war on Iran. Trump has long been known to toss out 'two week' deadlines for actions that never materialize, so the statement left people guessing on his next move. Trump convened another meeting of his national security advisers and then flew to his golf club in New Jersey, where he attended a political fundraiser in the evening. He talked to reporters briefly en route, long enough to say his director of national intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard, was 'wrong' when she previously said that the U.S. believed Iran wasn't building a nuclear weapon. Around midnight, the U.S. military operation began in secret: B-2 stealth bombers taking off from a base in Missouri. They headed east, over the Atlantic Ocean, refueling from airborne tankers along the way. It would take them 18 hours to reach Iran. A decoy flight went west, toward the Pacific. Trump returned to the White House from New Jersey around 6 p.m. Less than an hour later, American ordinance began exploding in Tehran. More than two dozen Tomahawk missiles were fired from a U.S. submarine. Fighter jets scanned for Iranian interceptors. The stealth bombers dropped 14 bunker buster bombs, marking the first time that the 30,000-pound weapon had been used in combat. Trump announced the strikes on social media, saying it was a 'very successful attack and 'NOW IS THE TIME FOR PEACE!' In a brief national address from the White House, the president threatened to attack Iran again if there was any retaliation.