Kristi Noem Torched for 'Playing Dress-Up' While Deporting Children
Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem got slammed by a Democratic lawmaker Wednesday for 'playing dress-up' while breaking immigration laws to conduct Donald Trump's deportations.
During a hearing before the House Committee on Homeland Security, Rhode Island Representative Seth Magaziner took Noem to task for removing U.S. citizens and documented immigrants as part of the Trump administration's sweeping deportation efforts.
'During your confirmation hearing, you said that your focus would be on deporting immigrants who have been convicted of crimes, and those who have received removal orders. But that is not what you have been doing,' Magaziner said. 'Instead you have been deporting children with cancer, children who are U.S. citizens, a gay makeup artist who committed no crime and didn't even enter the country illegally.
'You have been sloppy; your department has been sloppy. And instead of focusing on real criminals, you have allowed innocent children to be deported while you fly around the country playing dress-up for the cameras,' Magaziner continued.
'Instead of enforcing the laws, you have repeatedly broken them. You need to change course immediately, before more innocent people are hurt on your watch.'
Magaziner was referring to a mother in Louisiana who was deported to Honduras in April alongside her 7-year-old daughter and 4-year-old son, the latter of whom had been diagnosed with cancer. Attorneys for that woman and another mother who was removed with her 2-year-old have contended that their clients did not wish for their children to be removed from the United States.
Earlier in his questioning, Magaziner asked Noem to explain why Immigration and Customs Enforcement had removed the 4-year-old diagnosed with cancer, despite the mother's wishes. 'What evidence do you have to support your claim that she did consent?' Magaziner asked.
Noem, who has denied that the Trump administration has removed any U.S. citizens (it has deported at least 12) insisted that DHS had followed protocol, but failed to provide proof. 'We will get that to you, sir, I don't have it with me,' Noem said.
'Please do. I understand, it's hard to keep them all straight because you've deported multiple U.S. citizen children, but I'm asking specifically about the 4-year-old with cancer who was deported on April 25,' Magaziner said.
'For the record, that family was also not given access to legal counsel before they were deported, even though their lawyer was in the same building at the time,' Magaziner noted.
Magaziner referred to ICE's directive on detained parents, which states that 'parents and legal guardians should have the ability to make alternative care arrangements prior to their arrest or detention.'
'ICE must afford parents the opportunity to consult with legal counsel,' Magaziner said.
'So, did the ICE agents working on this case, who deported this 4-year-old with cancer, of their own volition fail to follow ICE policies, or were they directed to by your office or anyone else in DHS leadership?' the Rhode Island Democrat asked.
'Sir, this mother chose to keep her child with her—' Noem began to answer before she was interrupted.
'You have not produced any evidence to say so, but I'm asking again, have you directed—have you directed DHS officers to ignore this policy?' Magaziner said.
Noem claimed that the Trump administration was attempting to keep families together, unlike the previous administration, which separated families 'over and over.' The Biden administration repeatedly separated families at the border, including roughly 300 children in 2024 and another 300 in 2023. Over the course of the first Trump administration, immigration authorities separated more than 4,000 migrant children from their families.
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New York Post
an hour ago
- New York Post
Trump's support keeps growing while Democrats howl at the moon
California Sen. Alex Padilla recently crashed a press conference by Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem. He deliberately wore no identification. He gave no advance warning that he would disrupt her briefing. Instead, Padilla barged forward to the podium, shouting about the deportation of illegal aliens. Advertisement Immediately, Padilla got his media-moment wish — once Secret Service agents, who had no idea who he was, forcibly removed him. Alex Padilla unsuccessfully attempted to push past law enforcement to reach Noem's lectern. AP Sen. Cory Booker (D-NJ) recently attempted a pseudo-filibuster, speaking nonstop for 25 hours straight — not to delay legislation, but to fixate on President Donald Trump. Advertisement South Carolina Democratic state Rep. Julie von Haefen posted on social media an image of a bloody guillotine. It bore the title 'In these difficult times, some cuts may be necessary' and was juxtaposed with an image of a hanging, beheaded Trump, who, a year ago, was the target of two failed assassination attempts. The more Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass and California Gov. Gavin Newsom scream at Trump for nationalizing the California Guard to stop LA's nightly violent anti-ICE protests, the more the two appear on the side of those who riot, destroy property and attack police. Yet who really wants to side with illegal aliens who spit on and burn American flags while waving Mexican flags? Former Democratic candidate Hillary Clinton, along with other prominent Democrats, mocked the recent Washington, DC, military parade commemorating the 250th anniversary of the army, comparing it unfavorably with their own concurrent 'No Kings' anti-Trump protests. Advertisement Those demonstrations — subsidized by left-wing billionaire donors — were utterly incoherent. No other president has faced more lower federal court injunctions blocking executive orders than Trump. People march down Fifth Avenue at the No Kings protest against Trump on June 14, 2025 in New York. Zuma / Indeed, dozens of cherry-picked, left-wing district judges — the real unchecked 'kings' — now routinely block almost every one of Trump's executive orders. Advertisement Why are opposition Democrats not offering alternative agendas and compromises? Could they partner with Trump to allow green cards to illegal aliens who have no criminal records, have not been on public assistance, are now employed and have resided in the United States for over five years? Could Democrats meet with the president to express bipartisan support for democratic Israel in its existential war with theocratic Iran? Instead, why do Democrats throw two-year-old temper tantrums to howl nihilistically at everything Trump says and does? One, exasperated Democrats lack all levers of political power — the Congress, the White House and the Supreme Court. So, they take to the media and the streets. Two, Democrats are permanently frustrated that the more they scream and stomp, the more polls show radical declines in public support for their party. Three, their nemesis, 79-year-old Trump, seems impervious to Democratic lawfare, threats and smears. Advertisement Despite the hysterical attacks, he is still polling now about where prior presidents like George Bush and Barack Obama were at similar junctures in their second terms. The more Trump is smeared as a fascist or dictator, the more polls — like the latest liberal Economist/YouGov survey — show him gaining public support for securing the border and deportation. And the more the Left damns Trump as a racist, the more he wins unprecedented black and Hispanic support. Advertisement In recent Rasmussen tracking polls, Trump garnered 54% approval from black voters and 53% from Hispanics. Four, Trump proves a hard-to-hit, moving target for the frustrated left. He cannot quite be pigeonholed as a predictable right-wing bogeyman. Unlike the Left, when Trump weighs in on the Ukraine war, he first begins by deploring the tragic waste of over a million lives. No one is more pro-Israel. Yet he has offered a losing Iran a chance to negotiate its way out of total and humiliating defeat. Advertisement Trump talks nonstop about protecting the middle class. Unions like him; Wall Street mostly despises him. Trump wants to deport as many illegal alien criminals as possible. But he is willing to consider green cards for unlawful aliens who are working, crime-free and with long residence in the US. The Trump counterrevolution barrels ahead. The people cheer. And Democrats keep barking at the moon. Victor Davis Hanson is a distinguished fellow of the Center for American Greatness.


Politico
2 hours ago
- Politico
Experience vs. inspiration: New York City mayoral race mirrors national Dem divide
ALBANY, New York — Andrew Cuomo has settled on a closing argument in his quest to win the Democratic nomination to be New York City's next mayor: His top challenger, Zohran Mamdani, is far too inexperienced for the job. It's a perceived vulnerability Cuomo is seizing on in a race otherwise focused on affordability, Mamdani's rhetoric on Israel and the long record of an ex-governor who has been in politics since 1977, when he worked on his father Mario Cuomo's mayoral campaign. Cuomo is zooming in on his own achievements — enshrining same-sex marriage into state law, revamping LaGuardia Airport and his popular televised Covid briefings. Mamdani, in turn, highlights Cuomo's corruption scandals, the sexual misconduct allegations against him — which he denies — and the missteps of his pandemic management. But as polling in the race tightens and Mamdani continues to excite his base, Cuomo is honing in on his 33-year-old chief rival's lack of executive experience. 'It is certainly a microcosm of what we're likely to see over the next few years, and I think you'll see a significant number of midterm primaries have this similar dynamic,' said Jon Paul Lupo, a New York City consultant who is not involved in the mayor's race. 'We're seeing it play out at the DNC with David Hogg and what role he played. There is a group of young and up-and-coming operatives, candidates and — quite frankly — voters that are frustrated with the direction of the party and they're looking for not just change from the party, but a different kind of candidate.' In Mamdani, they have just that. He's not just bringing something new, he's being resoundingly rejected by the establishment: Mike Bloomberg has spent $8.3 million to help Cuomo defeat him, the New York Times editorial board eviscerated him in a piece focused more on his shortcomings than anyone else's attributes, and most city unions lined up behind Cuomo. The race is now as much about youth against political seasoning as it is about the socialist Mamdani versus the moderate Cuomo. Voters throughout the country are frustrated with their current leadership, public displays of anger at events like town halls are increasingly common, and Sen. Chuck Schumer is seeing his worst-ever poll numbers in his home state. Incumbents are unpopular at the moment. And as New York City Mayor Eric Adams sits out the primary to instead run as an independent in the general election, Cuomo is in many ways viewed as the incumbent candidate. 'We have a person running for mayor against me who has been an assemblyman for two terms — five years,' Cuomo, who's 67, said at a rally last week. 'Five staff members who worked for him. New York City — you have 300,000 employees. He's never worked with the City Council, never worked with the Congress, never negotiated things with the labor union, never even dealt with President Trump. Don't tell me he's ready to be mayor of the greatest city on the globe. No way.' Unlike Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez's surprise upset in 2018, in several races for New York's top jobs over the past decade, hype about shifting to a fresh face on the left has fizzled. This year's mayoral race is now the clearest bellwether of whether there might actually be more seismic changes at hand. Do Democratic voters want battle-proven — and battle-scarred — veterans, or are they willing to roll the dice and go with leaders who might take the party in a bold new direction — or flop spectacularly? Experience is Cuomo's 'number one argument,' said Cynthia Nixon, who lost to Cuomo in the 2018 gubernatorial primary and now backs Mamdani. 'It's one thing if you've been in office for a long time and you have a record that you can be proud of. Cuomo has the opposite.' Mamdani's thin governmental record allows for the ultimate test of whether Democrats are willing to move toward energetic fresh faces with minimal experience. He was elected as a true outsider in 2020. Prior to winning office, he had only made two visits to the Capitol, both for housing advocacy. Due to Covid, candidates running that year got far less scrutiny than in any modern New York election — there were no public events, state politics was overshadowed by a presidential race, and the Albany press corps was focused on Cuomo's pandemic briefings. The Zoom-era timing also meant Mamdani didn't engage in the typical bonding and glad-handing with new legislative colleagues. 'There's no equivalent of getting in an elevator with somebody,' he said in a 2021 interview. 'Virtual also creates a lot more of a conduit for tension versus in-person, because you're able to understand the humanity of someone a little bit more than when they're just a little square on the screen.' His promise to legislate with an 'understanding that the status quo has failed us' — and, perhaps, his lack of immersion into the system as a freshman — have kept him an outsider among Albany's Democrats. Mamdani's status on the fringes was highlighted by a bill he introduced in 2023 that would ban New York charities from supporting Israeli settlers. The backlash was swift: Assembly leadership immediately dubbed it a 'non-starter,' a rarity in a legislative body whose leaders usually wait for internal party discussions before weighing in. Twenty-five of his fellow Democrats released a letter condemning the measure as designed to 'antagonize pro-Israel New Yorkers.' The democratic socialist was aware at the time that his break with the tradition of New York politicians offering full-throated support for Israel would indeed antagonize his colleagues — and it's a subject that's continued to lead to tensions, with fellow members quick to point out actions like his failure to endorse a resolution condemning the Holocaust. He characterized the charity bill as an attempt to plant seeds for a longer-term fight. 'The simple act of introducing this legislation [helps] change the calculus,' Mamdani said at the time. But mayors don't get to spend as much time focused on the long haul — if garbage isn't being picked up on time, most New Yorkers won't be too satisfied if City Hall promises a solution in a decade. And when it comes to the type of negotiating a mayor needs to engage in to win approval for their priorities in Albany or the City Council, his record is scant. Mamdami's biggest achievements have come outside the regular legislative process. He played a major role in taxi drivers' successful 2021 push for debt relief. He helped win a pilot program for free bus rides — now a central plank in his mayoral campaign — but kiboshed its renewal when he cast a protest vote against last year's budget, rather than play ball with his colleagues and take the win. He also points to his support for a 2023 law that lets the state build its own green energy plants. 'That's not my legislation. The passage of it is not considered a bill that I have passed,' Mamdani said recently. 'I spent so much of my time fighting for it because I knew that, were we to pass it, we could actually take a real step towards taking on the climate crisis. And I think too often, much of our work in politics is focused on ensuring that you receive credit for the work that you do.' Despite his opinion, his lack of clearly delineated achievements has provided opponents with a ready-made cudgel. Cuomo has hammered Mamdani for passing only three laws in his time as an Assemblymember. That's the 235th highest total since he took office in a Legislature in which 213 members serve at a time. That apparent lack of productivity stems at least in part from the fact that he's a rank-and-file member in a legislative body where more than 100 Democrats want their bills prioritized. 'It's a pretty common experience for many legislators in their first few years in the Assembly or Senate to pass very few bills,' former Assemblymember Dick Gottfried said. Gottfried said assessing a lawmaker through the number of bills they approve isn't a great barometer of how they might perform as an executive: 'Every year in the Legislature, I personally got a lot of bills passed, but you would not have wanted me to be the mayor even of a small village.' But the lack of an in-depth passage record, coupled with the few bills he's authored, means Mamdani doesn't bring many specifics about his policy background for voters to glean. One of the three laws he's responsible for let the Museum of the Moving Image apply for a liquor license. Another allowed people to petition state agencies to hold public hearings. But he didn't come up with that idea — the legislation had been lingering since 1995 and had previously passed the Assembly 14 times under five different sponsors. His third bill, enacted in 2022, tweaked that 2021 law. Then, during the most recent legislative session, he passed a fourth bill — that would bump back the law's expiration date. The passage of the 2022 version of the petitioning law was the only time he's ever engaged in a back-and-forth debate during his time in the Legislature. He hoped the bill would leave 'New Yorkers feeling that they have a place in this government, that their voices are heard,' he said. 'This is, for me, the essence of socialism, which is the extension of democracy from the ballot box to the rest of our society of the ability of each and every person to have control over their own lives.' The remarks did not win over his detractors. 'Labeling this bill the extension of socialism makes me reaffirm my negative vote,' said then-Assemblymember Mike Lawler, his chief sparring partner in the debate. Mamdani has spoken on the floor on a handful of other bills over the years, and often his remarks focused on issues of identity — he voted against the Democrats' 2022 redistricting plan, for example, because it didn't create a new district for his fellow South Asians elsewhere in Queens. He criticized the governor's priorities in the state budget and supported legalized marijuana: 'Smoking or ingesting marijuana may also lead to becoming an elected official,' he said about claims that it's a gateway drug. By and large, Mamdani has remained outside regular power structures in Albany, meaning even those who deal with the Assembly the most can't predict what a Mamdani City Hall might look like. Lobbyists surveyed by POLITICO — including those supportive of causes he appears aligned with, like environmental and criminal justice issues — say they haven't engaged with him much, or even met him at all. His name only appears on Gov. Kathy Hochul's schedules once in the past four years, when attending a dinner joined by 21 members of the Queens delegation. One of the most important questions for any inexperienced executive is how they will fill out their administration. Former Gov. David Paterson, who went from the state Legislature to a high-level executive role — much like Mamdani hopes to — said those decisions can make or break an administration. 'The whole issue is about staff selection,' said Paterson, who's backing Cuomo. 'You may not be the brightest bulb in the chandelier but the other bulbs can work along with you.' Even Mamdani's supporters have emphasized he needs to fill his administration with experienced staff — Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez said she has 'made her expectations of the assemblymember quite clear' in that area. Nothing has tripped up past mayors in New York City more than tensions with the city's vast and complicated bureaucracy — from a sanitation strike during John Lindsay's tenure, to Bill de Blasio's early missteps with snowstorms. It will likely be difficult for somebody like Mamdani to walk into office with the trust of city employees, especially if they lack high-level staff already familiar with the intricacies of the municipal government. 'He'd have to spend a decade building relationships in the city,' said Brandon del Pozo, a Brown University professor and former NYPD deputy inspector. 'You have to have a legislative track record. You'd have to have meetings with the police and the labor unions. You have to do a lot of behind-the-scenes work.' A failure to lay those foundational building blocks means city employees like police officers may be skeptical of Mamdani from the get-go. 'Even though I don't think de Blasio had a great tenure — he still was able to convince people that he knew how New York City ran,' del Pozo said, pointing to the former mayor's time in institutions like the City Council. 'This is one of the most important cities in the world and the biggest and most complex city in the United States. So if you don't have the executive experience, you've got to have something else that really, really makes up for that.' Paterson noted how 'Cuomo described [electing Mamdani] as reckless and dangerous. It certainly would portend that would be the case.' But, he added, 'you just never know' when it comes to succeeding as an executive. 'The one thing he's been in charge of his campaign,' he said. 'That's working: He's in the game.' And nobody — not even the candidates themselves — actually know whether they're experienced enough to be an executive for the first time. 'When I did become governor, it felt that way: 'What am I doing here!?'' Paterson said. — Jeff Coltin contributed reporting


Forbes
2 hours ago
- Forbes
EV U.S. Sales Lag Will Reprieve ICE, Boost Hybrids
ICE versus EV getty Every other new car bought by Americans in 2030 was supposed to be electric, but as the Trump Administration clears away EV incentives and targets, the total is likely to be less than half that and offer a lifeline to gas powered vehicles and hybrids That represents an unexpected new lease of life for the likes of GM , Ford, and Stellantis brands like Chrysler, Dodge, Jeep and Ram and their combustion technology. They were highly dependent on internal combustion engines and were either slow or reluctant to embrace EVs. A combination of tax credit rollbacks, emissions standards delays and the removal of the Biden Administration and its call for a 50% share for EVs in the new car market in 2030 is a boost for ICE. Manufacturers will also be busily raising production of hybrids, plug-in hybrids, and extended range electric vehicles*. Consultants Roland Berger put it this way in a recent report. 'Delayed adoption of BEVs (EVs) will have cascading effects on the entire automotive value chain, prolonging profitability challenges for electrification-focused players and extending the window of opportunity for ICE-focused legacy players,' the report said. Analysts have been scrambling to slash their forecasts for U.S. EV sales in 2030. Investment bank UBS says EVs will only reach 24% of the new car market or 2.7 million vehicles. Four months ago UBS was predicting 32%. U.S. EV market share is currently around 10%. BloombergNEF now predicts 27%, down from almost 48%. Investment researcher Jefferies is even lower at about 20% along with Roland Berger. Roland Berger was projecting around 40% under Biden's watch. 'Actions taken by the Trump administration to loosen light vehicle emissions standards have effectively halved our forecast for U.S. electric vehicle adoption by 2030 – We now only expect about 20% BEV sales by 2030,' said Brandon Boyle, Senior Partner and Americas Automotive lead at Roland Berger. This compares starkly with Europe's ambitions. The European Union has decreed EV sales shall reach about 80% of new vehicle sales by 2030 on the way to 100% by 2035. Given current market share is barely 20% in Europe, some major humble-pie eating is on the cards. The Mazda MX-30 R-EV is an extended range electric vehicle equiped with a small rotary gasoline ... More engine (Photo by Sjoerd van) Getty Images / Sjoerd van der Wal 'The U.S. market has different dynamics (than Europe): more rural driving, less dense urban cores, and a political environment that could shift depending on the 2028 (Presidential) election,' said Curt Hopkins, CEO of MCQ Markets . MCQ Market says it is a FinTech firm making high-value assets accessible and investable. 'I wouldn't call it a comeback for ICE, but it's not going away overnight either. Hybrids and plug-in hybrids are still very much part of the transition-especially for consumers who aren't quite ready for a full battery-electric experience. Expect those to play a meaningful but gradually shrinking role through the decade,' Hopkins said. Bernstein Research analyst Daniel Roeska said at some point EV demand will accelerate again. Maybe after the 2028 election or after 2030. 'It (the expectation) won't be 50% for a long while,' Roeska said in an interview. '(General Motors, Ford and Stellantis) agreed that U.S. electrification will take a lot longer. Even if the target picture of high EV share in the U.S. has not changed, (manufacturers) are waking up to the fact that they must improve EV profitability without significant volume growth and maintain investments into legacy products for longer,' Roeska said in a recent report. Hard to bet against Tesla Tesla is the current EV market leader and despite a huge increase in competition and lower expectations for the overall market, is expected to retain its ascendancy, said MCQ's Hopkins. 'It's hard to bet against Tesla. They're vertically integrated, have a dominant brand, and continue to lead on software and over-the-air updates. As long as they maintain that pace of innovation, they'll likely still be the U.S. leader in 2030,' said Hopkins. According to Kelley Blue Book , the Tesla Model Y led the U.S. EV market in 2024 with sales of 373,000 and a market share of 28.6%, the Tesla Model 3 was next with 190,000 (14.6%). Then came the Ford Mustang Mach-E with 52,000 or 4.0%. 'That said, keep an eye on some dark horses. Chinese automakers like BYD and NIO are getting serious about international expansion, and if trade policy allows, they could become a factor in the U.S. by the end of the decade.' The All-Electric Ford Mustang Mach-E (Photo by) Getty Images 'Among the legacy automakers, Ford, GM, and Volkswagen have all shown real progress. Their ability to scale EV production and leverage existing dealer networks could help them close the gap, especially as more affordable models hit the market,' according to Hopkins. Twice the power, half the weight, half the cost He doesn't expect any game-changing battery technology before 2030, just incremental improvements in battery design. The long- promised solid-state battery revolution – twice the power, half the weight, half the cost - isn't close as researchers stumble over mass production techniques. And the trouble is that as consumers hear about this huge, imminent improvement, they are likely to be wary of buying an EV, and risk having its residual value torpedoed by game-changing technology. That could put the skids on EV demand as 2030 approaches. More bad news for EV makers came this week, courtesy of a survey of 15,000 drivers around the world by oil-giant Shell. The survey showed drivers in America are becoming more reluctant to switch to EVs from ICE vehicles. Those considering switching fell three percentage points to 31% compared with a year ago. In Europe, the reluctance was more ominous given the massive EV targets set for 2030. According to the survey, 41% said they would consider switching to an EV, down from 48% last year. Shell operates 75,000 charging points around the world including the U.S., Europe and China. *(Hybrids use computer power to combine for maximum efficiency with gasoline engines, and have relatively small batteries. They provide maybe 1 mile of electric-only driving. PHEVs have bigger batteries which can be charged independently and can provide up to 75 miles of electric-only transport. EREVs, like the Mazda MX30 R-EV, use small combustion engines to charge the battery. The MX30 R-EV is always powered by electricity.)