Sarawak Assembly sitting adjourns sine die; six bills passed
KUCHING: The 19th Sarawak State Legislative Assembly sitting adjourned sine die today, after eight days of proceedings since May 19, during which six bills were passed with an overwhelming majority.
The State Assembly Speaker, Tan Sri Mohamad Asfia Awang Nassar, announced the adjournment, after a motion to adjourn was tabled by Sarawak Deputy Minister in the Premier's Department (Law, Malaysia Agreement 1963, and State-Federal Relations), Datuk Sharifah Hasidah Sayeed Aman Ghazali.
The Sarawak Biodiversity Centre (Amendment) Bill 2025, the first bill passed by the assembly, seeks to broaden the Centre's powers by enabling it to commercialise intellectual property, apply for external funding, and form subsidiary companies to bring research outputs to market.
This was followed by the Land Code (Amendment) Bill 2025, which, among other provisions, establishes a formal mechanism for the registration of waqf, or religious endowment lands, in the Sarawak land registry.
Other bills passed included the Infrastructure Development Trust Fund (Dissolution) Bill, the Local Authorities (Amendment) Bill 2025, the Supplementary Supply (2024) Bill approving an additional allocation of RM153,769,197, and the Supplementary Supply (2025) Bill for RM237,660,520.
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Borneo Post
4 hours ago
- Borneo Post
GRS reaffirms 'Sabah First' stand, urges inter-governmental model for federal-state relations
Armizan placing his hand on a tablet to symbolically open the conference on Sunday. KOTA KINABALU (June 22): Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) has reaffirmed that the relationship between the Federal and State Governments must be based on an inter-governmental model — not driven by intra-party dynamics — to ensure Sabah's interests remain front and centre. Its deputy secretary-general, Datuk Armizan Mohd Ali, said the coalition remains open to cooperation with national parties, including in the upcoming 17th Sabah State Election, but maintained that local parties must form the core of the State Government. Speaking after officiating the Parti Gagasan Rakyat Sabah (Gagasan Rakyat) Darau Division's annual conference on Sunday, Armizan emphasised that the political model promoted by GRS does not reject national party alliances. Instead, it advocates a structure where local parties lead at the state level, while working in partnership with national parties forming the Federal Government. 'The GRS model is about safeguarding Sabah's interests. If the same national party dominates both federal and state levels, issues involving Sabah tend to be discussed internally within the party, behind closed doors, before even reaching the negotiation table,' said Armizan, who is also the Minister of Domestic Trade and Cost of Living. He warned that intra-party decision-making risks prioritising party interests over state welfare, citing examples where party loyalty in some national parties outweighed the needs of the people. As a case in point, he referred to the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63), which was sidelined for decades due to party-driven federal politics. 'Only under Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim did we begin to see genuine federal commitment to MA63. But we cannot rely on individual leadership alone. What Sabah needs is a structured, institutional approach that ensures continuity beyond political cycles,' he said. Armizan said while GRS supports the national agenda, it must be led by the Federal Government, whereas the State Government must be empowered to put Sabah's priorities first. 'This is the philosophy behind our core principle — Sabah First. It ensures that the state agenda remains front and centre,' he stressed. With the state election approaching, Armizan made GRS's goal clear: to lead the State Government while supporting a Federal Government led by national parties. 'We welcome cooperation with national parties in the coming state election — provided they acknowledge that local parties should lead in Sabah, contest more seats, and have the mandate to govern.' He said the GRS-Pakatan Harapan Plus model reflects this approach, where national parties govern at the federal level, while local parties lead at the state level. 'Let national parties form the Federal Government — we will support and work with them. But in Sabah, local parties must lead. That's the essence of real partnership — a model that respects state autonomy while upholding national unity.' Armizan concluded by stressing that formalised government-to-government (G2G) engagement is key to ensuring state issues like MA63 are no longer sidelined. 'This is not just a GRS idea — it's what Sabah needs. A formalised inter-governmental framework is the only way to ensure our voices are heard, regardless of who governs Putrajaya.'
Daily Express
10 hours ago
- Daily Express
It's all about the seats
Published on: Sunday, June 22, 2025 Published on: Sun, Jun 22, 2025 By: Datuk Teddy Chin Text Size: NOW that Kaamatan is over and Hari Raya Haji has just been celebrated, the question of when is the State election is the hot topic in coffeeshops again. Sabah is not short of soothsayers or Nujum Pak Belalang to borrow P. Ramlee's words. Whatever it is, dissolution of the State Assembly is not expected before TYT's birthday celebration on the 3rd weekend of this month followed by Awal Murharram holiday at the end of the month. Neither is election expected before National Day or Merdeka cum Sabah Day on August 31, if you like, and Malaysia Day on September 16. The State Assembly is set to meet for two days in early July so it got to be after that. But when? However, dissolution of the State Assembly and the actual election dates are two different things. The dissolution date is up to the State Government of the day with the consent of the Governor while the election date is up to the Election Commission. Election must be held within 60 days from the date of dissolution. Meaning if the Assembly is dissolved in September, election is likely to be in October or early November. A little bird on the tree told me that the Assembly might be dissolved in September. But which part of September remains to be seen for example whether it's after Malaysia Day pn Sept 16 or…. most probably late September as the present State Government was elected late 2020. Advertisement Next comes the question of whether the State ruling coalition of GRS+ will maintain its cooperation or GRS may go solo as hinted a few times. The + here refers to GRS plus PH comprising DAP, PKR, Upko and Amanah. Recently PM Anwar floated the idea of including BN in the 'Plus' but by now it is obvious that GRS is only keen on cooperating with PH but not the Umno-led BN. So it's either GRS going solo or the present arrangement of GRS+PH to continue. CM and GRS chairman Datuk Seri Panglima Hajiji Hj Noor recently indicated that he prefers the present arrangement to continue. This was echoed by GRS Secretary-General Datuk Seri Panglima Masidi Manjun who said that everything will be finalised at the GRS Supreme Council meeting expected end of this month or early July. So all signs point to a GRS+PH coalition. But for the purpose of this article and for argument sake, let's first assume that GRS goes solo for understandable reasons. If GRS goes solo, Tan Sri Pandikar Amin, Datuk Seri Panglima Yong Teck Lee and Datuk Seri Panglima Dr Jeffrey Kitingan will be the happiest persons because this is what they wanted all along. Pandikar leads Usno, Yong SAPP and Jeffrey Star. It doesn't take a rocket scientist to figure out why the trio wants GRS to go solo. For the record, both Usno and SAPP failed to win a single seat in the 2020 State election. Star won half a dozen but it is no secret that Dr Jeffery wants his party to be given as many seats as possible. He reasoned that every party has a right to request for seats and whether they get what they want is another matter. PBS, with whom Star was supposed to have merged, has remained silent on the number of seats it is aiming. This is good strategy. It is better to silently discuss at closed-door meetings then shouting through the Press. If GRS goes solo, then the eight component parties will have 73 seats to divide among themselves. PGRS, the leader of the pact or being the 'Tai Koh' as it is the CM's party, is expected to be given the lion's share. Even parties (including LDP, PCS and PHRS) which did not win a single seat in 2020 will then have a better chance to contest. I don't expect them to be given a lot of seats though. Maybe a few lah. I understand that the formula is that it will be status quo. Meaning, for example, if a seat is currently represented by PGRS, then it goes back to PGRS. I suppose that includes assemblymen from Warisan and Umno who had crossed over to PGRS. The PGRS assemblymen won their seats on PN/Bersatu ticket in 2022 but they are now in PGRS. They 'jumped' before the law was amended. So they are safe. One of Umno's conditions if it's a PH-BN-GRS is that it must contest the seats that it won in 2020 (13 I think). Don't know yet if they would ask for more. If you were GRS, would you agree? What more if it were a GRS-PH-BN coalition, even within GRS itself also all is not well as indicated by Pandikar's threat to quit the coalition recently. As Dr Jeffrey said, naturally each part wants to get as many seats as possible. That being aside, it is only to be expected that each party will respect its coalition partner. Even if you are aiming for the same seat, at least respect your coalition partner lah. I may be wrong and stand to be corrected. Recently a very senior PBS leader openly stated that his party is aiming for the Kukusan seat in Tawau. May be his reason is that Kukusan was won by Warisan and therefore it's everybody's cake now. Fair enough. But he seems to forget that the Kukusan YB has since crossed over to Tan Sri Liew Yun Fah's party PHRS and is now that party's sole elected Assemblyman. How do you think PHRS will feel? You don't do that to your coalition partner. There are 72 other seats for you to grab apart from Kukusan. Leave Rina Jainal alone lah. Out of the 8 GRS component parties, only 3 – PGRS (formerly Bersatu), PBS and Star – won seats in the 2020 State election. So why admit the 5 who didn't wina a seat? This is Hajiji's political style. He wants to bring as many local parties as possible under GRS's wing. Hajiji has seen how powerful local parties can be when they are united, as proven by Sarawak. Nobody can touch Sarawak. It is perhaps this style of Hajiji which made certain people unhappy to the extent that they tried to topple him in January 2023. But they underestimated Hajiji and failed miserably. Today, they try to team up with GRS indirectly. First, they got the PM and Unity Government to announce that PH and BN to face the Sabah election together, expecting GRS to follow suit. But Hajiji is not stupid. He is not someone to be pushed around. He has been a YB since 1990. He knows what he is doing. OK now let's assume that the GRS+PH arrangement will go on. The present arrangement was made when Datuk Seri Panglima Christina Liew was PH Chairman for Sabah early 2023. But things have changed. Christina is no longer the Chairman. The new Chairman is Upko Chairman Datuk Ewon Benedict. It is an open secret that he and Sabah DAP leader Ginger Phoong 'clique' like abang adik since Warisan time when they were described as the two young turks. So we don't know what is in these two young men's mind. Soon after his election as Sabah DAP chairman, Ginger already issued a statement saying that his party would reconsider its alignment with the State Government in the light of the so-called minerals 'scandal'. I understand that DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke has no problem with DAP working with GRS. All this talk about State autonomy, to me, is only egoistic. On Upko's part, it shouldn't forget that the party won only one seat (Ewon's own) out of the one dozen it contested. So when they make demands I hope they are realistic. Hajiji is keen on the GRS-PH coalition partly to give face to PM Anwar as PKR is his party. But if Sabah PH makes unrealistic demands, what do you expect oh? Hajiji bukan bodoh bah. If Sabah PH's demands are too much, then the only way is masing masing lah. GRS go solo lah. Pandikar, Yong and Jeffery will be happy. Sabah PKR chairman Datuk Mustapha Sakmud said certain areas may see friendly contests. But if there are too many friendly contests, then it defeats the purpose of a coalition. May as well go all out. The idea of 'Friendly Contests' first surfaced when Usno and Upko participated in the 1967 state election. And again during Berjaya in 1982. Both Berjaya and Usno were components of BN in 1980s. That was just before Usno was kicked out of BN for opposing the Labuan handover. Berjaya planted Independents in 4 MP areas where Usno represented BN. All 4 Berjaya-sponsored Independents won. New PKR deputy president Nurul Izzah Anwar mentioned that the party hoped to contest 13 seats in Sabah, presumably under coalition with GRS. Sabah DAP has said it intended to contest 10 including the 6 it won in 2020. That's already 23 total. PH members Upko and Amanah have not mentioned how may seats they intend to contest. So the total is expected to be more than 35 if not more. The magic number to form the Sabah Government is 37 to make a simple majority. GRS is not expected to contest less than 50 to be on the safe side. PGRS Vice Chairman Datuk Masiung Banah recently hinted that GRS might contest 52 seats, leaving PH with 21. From where he got the figures or whether he spoke for the party, I don't know. Will PH accept 21? Just the expectations of PKR and DAP is already 23. Where does that leave Upko? Never mind Amanah. This seat thing can be a headache and I don't want to be in Hajiji's shoes right now. He can't offend both GRS and PH. But trust me, Hajiji is an old hand in politics and more than capable in handling this. Each party, be it from GRS or PH, needs to give and take. If nobody wants to give in, free for all lah? Lastly, politics is dynamic. Any pre-election pact does not necessarily materialize after the election. This is politics. Enemies can become friends and vice-versa. The best example is prior to the 2022 MP election, BN or Umno's stand was 'No DAP, No Anwar'. But look what happened after the election? Umno president Ahmad Zahid supported Anwar to be PM just to frustrate Muhyiddin Yassin and PAS. And DAP is a PH component. It's Zahid swallowing his pride. As the Malay proverb says, 'Jangan ludah ke langit kerana dia akan jatuh ke muka awak'. Can history repeat itself in Sabah end of this year? Anything is possible. Politics is a number game. We will only know after the election. For example, Warisan and KDM with only a few seats each (no offence meant) can turn out to be the kingmakers after the election. Who they team up with, be it BN or PH or even GRS is another matter. Politics is the art of the possible. Sabah Umno chairman himself admitted that any coalition can only be finalised after the election, although it is unlikely that GRS would want to work with him. A good example is what happened in Sabah after the 2018 election. BN, short of two seats, managed to form the government with Star's two seats. Then suddenly Upko with its few assemblymen changed allegiance and supported Warisan. The rest is history. It is believed that Sabahans 'punished' Upko in 2020 when only one of its 12 candidates won. The president then was Wilfred Madius Tangau who also lost. After the 2020 election, each of the Warisan+ parties went their own way. Upko joined Anwar's PH and it turned out to be a wise decision. From just one MP (Tangau) previously, Upko won two in 2022, the other being Ewon Benedict who replaced Tangau as Upko president. Upko was given a new lease of life. Someone said it rose from the dead. It is believed that DAP's Ginger influenced new Upko president Ewon to join PH. The gamble paid off. One of the things that voters will be looking at in the forthcoming election will be the GRS+ government's performance past few years. Sabah has just been named 'Malaysia's Most Outstanding State for 2024' at the International Business Review (IBR) Asean Awards 2025. Need I say more? When PM Anwar was in town recently, he personally launched a multi-billion ringgit project. Need I say more? The Chinese and Koreans have poured in billions over the last few years in Sabah by way of investments. Need I say more? Of course there will be issues. If the Opposition don't bring up any issue, how are they going to win a single seat? Whatever the Government does will be wrong to the Opposition. That's why they are called Opposition. They can only see what the Government has not done. Not what the government has done. They cannot afford to give credit to the government. Sabah Maju Jaya. The views expressed here are the views of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of the Daily Express. If you have something to share, write to us at: [email protected]
Daily Express
13 hours ago
- Daily Express
Options on honouring 40pc entitlement
Published on: Sunday, June 22, 2025 Published on: Sun, Jun 22, 2025 By: Datuk Roger Chin Text Size: SABAH's 40% entitlement under the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63) has long been a point of contention, with the Federal Government often citing financial constraints as the reason for not fulfilling this obligation. However, the argument of 'inability to pay' is not an absolute financial limitation but rather a matter of budgetary prioritisation. The Federal Government has consistently funded large-scale infrastructure projects in Peninsular Malaysia—such as public transportation systems, skyscrapers, and highways—while similar investments in Sabah have been minimal. This demonstrates that fulfilling Sabah's 40% entitlement is more about political will and resource allocation than an actual lack of financial capacity. It is essential to emphasise that the 40% entitlement is distinct from the Federal Government's other obligations to Sabah under the Federal Constitution, such as development funds. These are separate commitments, and the entitlement under MA63 should not be mixed with broader Federal allocations. A range of innovative mechanisms can be employed to fulfil this legal obligation while ensuring equitable development across Malaysia. Advertisement 1. Phased Instalment Payments A structured instalment plan would allow the Federal Government to meet its obligation to Sabah while mitigating any immediate financial burden. This approach could mirror how large-scale infrastructure projects in Peninsular Malaysia are prioritised. Key features: Gradual Payment Structure - Payments could be spread over 10 to 20 years, starting with smaller instalments and gradually increasing over time, allowing the Federal Government to manage its fiscal obligations more effectively. Interest on Delays - Should payments be delayed, interest could accrue, ensuring Sabah is not unfairly penalised by any Federal fiscal management issues. 2. Interest-Free Development Loans or Grants In lieu of direct payments, the Federal Government could offer Sabah interest-free loans or grants earmarked for critical development projects, such as infrastructure, healthcare, and education. Considerations: Targeted Development Funding - These funds could be directed towards sectors where Sabah is underdeveloped, providing an immediate boost to the state's growth. Offset Against Entitlement - The value of these loans or grants could be deducted from the total entitlement, allowing for progress towards fulfilling the obligation while directly benefiting Sabah's development. 3. Transfer of Oil and Gas Fields Transferring ownership and control of oil and gas fields within Sabah's territorial waters would provide the state with a direct revenue stream from its natural resources, fostering long-term economic autonomy. Key aspects: Full Ownership - By gaining full control of its oil and gas fields, Sabah could generate significant revenue from resource extraction, with the profits offsetting the Federal Government's 40% obligation. New Resource Exploration - The right to explore and develop new fields could ensure sustainable future revenue for the state, reducing dependence on Federal transfers. 4. Transfer of Federal-Owned Land A feasible option to reduce the Federal Government's financial burden would be the transfer of Federal-owned land in Sabah, particularly those with high economic potential, to the state government. Advantages: Strategic Land Transfers - Economically valuable land could be surrendered to Sabah, enabling the state to generate revenue through development or other uses. Offsetting the Amount Owed - The value of the transferred land would be credited against the 40% entitlement, providing an immediate means of fulfilling part of the obligation without direct cash payments. 5. Revenue-Sharing from Federal Investments Revenue-sharing arrangements for Federal projects in Sabah would ensure that the state benefits from economic activities generated within its borders, particularly in key sectors such as tourism and agriculture. Key considerations: Profit-Sharing Models - Federal enterprises operating in Sabah, such as airports, and tourism developments, could share a portion of their profits with the state. Sector-Specific Revenue - Industries crucial to Sabah's economy could be prioritised for revenue-sharing, ensuring that local resources and projects directly benefit the state. 6. Enhanced Tax Autonomy Granting Sabah greater autonomy in tax collection, particularly in sectors such as tourism and natural resources, would reduce its dependence on Federal transfers and ensure that the state benefits more directly from its own economic activities. Considerations: Exclusive Taxing Authority - Sabah could be given exclusive rights to tax specific industries, ensuring that revenue generated within the state remains in the state. Increased Royalties - The Federal Government could increase Sabah's share of oil and gas royalties from the current 5% to a more equitable level, providing an additional revenue stream. 7. Issuance of Federal Bonds or Sukuk The Federal Government could issue bonds or sukuk (Islamic bonds) specifically designed to fulfil Sabah's entitlement. This would provide immediate funds for development while allowing the Federal Government to spread the repayment over time. Mechanics: Entitlement-Backed Bonds - Bonds linked to Sabah's 40% entitlement would provide upfront financing, allowing for immediate development projects, while the Federal Government repays bondholders over a set period. Sukuk Option - Bonds backed by Federal assets in Sabah could comply with Islamic finance principles, offering an ethical and sustainable method of financing the entitlement. 8. Equity Participation in Government-Linked Companies Sabah could be granted equity stakes in Federal Government-linked companies (GLCs) such as Petronas or Tenaga Nasional Berhad (TNB). These stakes would provide the state with a recurring revenue stream through dividends. Key features: Equity Stakes - Shares in key GLCs would enable Sabah to receive regular dividend payments, which could then be deducted from the overall entitlement. Dividend-Based Fulfilment - Regular dividend payments would serve as an alternative to direct cash transfers, offering a sustainable source of income. 9. Performance-Based Entitlement Adjustments A portion of the entitlement could be linked to Sabah's economic performance, incentivising both the Federal and Sabah state governments to focus on growth-oriented policies. Benefits: Development Incentives - Tying part of the entitlement to key performance indicators, such as GDP growth or infrastructure improvements, would promote long-term development in Sabah. Joint Investment Projects - Federal and State Governments could collaborate on large-scale projects, with profits reinvested into fulfilling Sabah's entitlement. 10. Dedicated Federal Development Funds A one-off, dedicated allocation of Federal development funds to Sabah would provide long-term stability for critical infrastructure projects, separate from the annual budget allocations, and ensure continuity in development initiatives. Key elements: Fully Allocated Funds - Unlike regular budgetary allocations, these development funds would be transferred entirely to Sabah, providing the state with full control over long-term infrastructure projects. Priority Sectors - The funds could be earmarked for essential sectors such as transport, rural electrification, and industrial growth, ensuring that Sabah's development progresses at a comparable rate to Peninsular Malaysia. Concluding Remarks The Federal Government's claim of financial incapacity to meet Sabah's 40% entitlement is more about prioritisation than genuine fiscal limitations. By adopting innovative mechanisms—such as phased instalments, land transfers, or equity stakes—the Government can fulfil its legal obligation while simultaneously supporting Sabah's development. Crucially, these solutions must remain distinct from the Federal Government's other obligations, ensuring that Sabah receives both its rightful entitlement under MA63 and its fair share of Federal development resources. This balanced approach would foster not only fairness for Sabah but also sustainable growth for Malaysia as a whole. The views expressed here are the views of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of the Daily Express. If you have something to share, write to us at: [email protected]
