
Record number of South Africans turn to personal loans as cost of living outpaces income
Although consumer confidence has improved and the rollout of the 'two-pot' retirement system has provided some financial relief, more South Africans than ever are using personal loans to make up the shortfall between income and the rising cost of living.
Rising Sun reports that DebtBusters' quarter 1 (Q1) 2025 Debt Index found that 91% of consumers who applied for debt counselling in the first quarter had a personal loan, a new record. A further 37% had a one-month loan – also known as a payday loan.
'It's clear that while consumers may feel a little more positive, personal loans, especially one-month loans, remain a lifeline for many, because income has not kept pace with rising expenses,' explains Benay Sager, executive head of DebtBusters.
Over the past nine years, electricity tariffs have increased by 135%, the price of petrol has risen by 88%, and the compound effect of inflation is 52%.
As a result, consumers who applied for debt counselling in Q1 2025, on average, needed 69% of their take-home pay to service debt. This is a significant increase compared with previous quarters and the highest since 2017.
The most vulnerable consumers, taking home R5 000 or less per month, use 76% of their income to repay debt. Those earning R35 000 or more spend 77% servicing debt. The ratios for these income groups are the highest since DebtBusters started analysing the data in 2016.
Compared with 2016:
Today's consumers have 53% less purchasing power.
Although the impact of inflation has recently subsided, average nominal incomes of incoming cohorts are now 1% lower than 2016 levels, and cumulative inflation over the nine years is 52%.
There's better news for those taking home R35 000 or more. For them, nominal income has increased by 11% since 2016 – the first significant growth for some time.
Consumers in most income brackets spend 25% of their disposable income, after debt repayments, to pay for water, electricity, rates and transport. Food inflation has meant many have had to sacrifice insurance and assurance cover. For people in lower-income groups, who spend a larger portion of their income on food, food inflation has meant that they have experienced 2% to 4% more inflation over the past few years.
Top earners have unsustainable levels of unsecured debt. On average, unsecured debt levels are 34% higher than nine years ago, but for people taking home R35 000 or more, it has increased by 90% – the highest ever.
Sager says that debt counselling enquiries were 'a bit muted' compared with previous years. He attributes this to uncertainty about the macroeconomic environment, access to retirement funds and some negative marketing against debt counselling.
'Debt counselling is still the best way to help consumers restructure their debt. While the average interest rate for unsecured debt has come down from an eight-year high to 25.3%, under debt counselling, it can be reduced to ~2.5% per annum, allowing consumers to repay expensive debt faster. Vehicle debt and balloon payments can also be paid over a meaningful period by getting the average financed vehicle interest rate of 14.9% a year negotiated down to a more manageable level,' Sager says.
The number of consumers who completed debt counselling has increased 11-fold since 2016. Consumers who received their clearance certificates in the first quarter of 2025 paid back over R700m to their creditors.
Sager says that interest in online debt management was up by 6% during the quarter, compared with the same period over a year ago, with subscriptions for DebtBusters' online proprietary tools, Debt Radar and the Debt Sustainability Indicator, now exceeding R1m.
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Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Aphelele Mtwecu, a proud member of the Activate Change Drivers Network and a2016 Activator. She is a content writer, activist Image: Supplied Contentions of Timelines and Due Processes So, how exactly does a presidential delegation meeting occur on Wednesday and have a new policy gazetted by Friday? The credibility of how this gazette played out is questionable. According to reports, the delegation included three other officials who were familiar with what Starlink would bring to the South African economy, granted this wasn't a spontaneous engagement. However, here is the problem: South Africa, with all its flaws, values and upholds consultative processes. A major economic policy shift such as this one would normally require public hearings or parliamentary reviews to protect the Republic from exactly these kinds of overnight decisions (Promotion of Administrative Justice Act, 2000). In this matter of harmonising BEE laws, regardless of existing contentions, this is an important historical policy that would impact our state of affairs deeply. It is further alarming how these kinds of events occur under the supposed sensitivity of the GNU government, where consensus-building across coalition parties should be central to major decisions. Unless it is the citizens who are blindfolded, and we simply do not know there was a prior agreement between parties to fast-track this change. Pseudo Altruism According to Statistics South Africa's latest general household survey, only 1.7% of rural households had an Internet connection at home in 2023 (Statistics South Africa, 2024). This devastating statistic has become the most compelling reason for the urgency of Starlink's operations in South Africa. As we understand it, Starlink has been piloted in some South African rural communities and has indeed yielded positive results for farmers as well as the education sector. The need is undeniable – rural communities lack the same coverage and access compared to urban areas. This digital divide is real and valid. Currently, technology optimisation is everything, especially in education, and for children to have access to connectivity is critical. But here's my question: out of all telecommunications services globally, can we prove that Starlink is the crème de la crème of satellite coverage? Have other avenues been exhausted before we convinced ourselves we had no choice? And if Starlink had indeed piloted programs in rural areas and seen the benefits, why wouldn't they yield further to South Africa's legislative and broader economic equity by accepting a BEE partner under ICT BEE laws? If rural connectivity was so important to them, why was this condition such a deal breaker? In these cases, material interests and profit margins trump everything else. And that makes me question their philanthropic intent "to save rural communities" entirely. Digital Inclusion* (*Economic Participation Sold Separately) The Department of Communications highlighted a significant issue, emphasising that the policy is not just about Starlink but is intended to address the growing digital divide. However, I do not agree with the methodology. We must ensure that our approach to digital inclusion does not compromise future sustainability. We have identified the need, but here's the broader question: how can you give a society tablets when they cannot even harvest food to sustain themselves and their families? How is this different from any other interventions that have squandered the hopes of our people, only to leave them hanging with false hope and shattered dreams? What's the point of digital inclusion without economic participation? We're essentially saying to rural youth: 'Here's access to the internet, but the profits from connecting you will flow to foreign shareholders.' This is the bread vs. bandwidth dilemma – we're trading long-term ownership for short-term access, creating dependency rather than empowerment. Communications Minister Solly Malatsi gazetted a new direction of policy to ICASA, permitting Starlink and other foreign investors to "harmonise" current ICT sector requirements (Department of Communications & Digital Technologies, 2025). Image: X / IOLGraphics Racial Capitalism in Real Time We are not oblivious to the sequence of events unfolding in the terrain we find ourselves in. The actions of certain global leaders have influenced policies that affect digital inclusion and economic participation. After our ambassador was dismissed, claims emerged about land confiscation in South Africa, which were used to support allegations of land grabs and genocide. He curtain-calls this performance to the globe, summons 'Cupcake' to the Oval Office, and at the brink of our president making pleas for him to stop, the Trump-Musk axis asks: 'What will you give us in return?' Our president suggests Starlink as a solution, which raises questions about the underlying motives. But these dynamics of power and racial manipulation speak deeply to what Cedric Robinson identified as racial capitalism, where racism isn't incidental to capitalism, but fundamental to its operation (Robinson, 2000). As Robin D.G. Kelley reflects on Robinson's work, this system not only exploits black labour but also uses black societies as laboratories for testing how far capital can push without resistance (Kelley, 2017). Du Bois saw this clearly: the colour line isn't just about prejudice, it's about who gets to own, who gets to profit, and who gets relegated to being grateful for scraps (Du Bois, 1903). We need to critically examine these issues, as seen in 2019 when BMW, Ford, and Toyota used 'equity equivalent' programs to avoid ownership responsibilities. But where's the evidence that this worked? Are there measurably more black-owned automotive companies today? Now they want us to accept the same promise in telecoms, dressed up as digital inclusion.