The Indian economy has grown — and taken the most vulnerable along
India under Prime Minister Narendra Modi stands out as a rare example in a deeply unequal and uncertain global landscape. Growth has not only been consistent but consciously inclusive. Since assuming office in 2014, PM Modi has governed with a singular purpose — to ensure that development reaches every Indian, especially those long forgotten by the policy machinery. His vision of Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas, Sabka Prayas was not a rhetorical flourish. Over the last 11 years, it has taken the shape of tangible outcomes, measurable progress, and visible transformation across the social and economic spectrum.
Inflation control: Protecting the most vulnerable
A defining feature of the Modi era has been the stabilisation of inflation, arguably the most direct metric of how a government impacts people's daily lives. In May, India's retail inflation fell to a remarkable low of 2.82 per cent, despite the global economy being rocked by conflicts, supply chain disruptions, and commodity price volatility. Compare this to 2013, when inflation under the UPA government averaged 10.02 per cent.
High inflation hits the poor hardest. It erodes real incomes, shrinks consumption, and breeds uncertainty. PM Modi's ability to maintain macroeconomic stability while steering the economy through multiple crises reflects prudence and foresight, a fine balance of fiscal discipline and social compassion.
Under PM Modi's leadership, India has witnessed a historic decline in poverty. Higher poverty levels dropped from 53.6 per cent in 2011-12 to just 16.4 per cent in 2022-23, while extreme poverty fell sharply from 12.2 per cent to a mere 2.2 per cent. This remarkable transformation is the result of targeted welfare with systemic delivery, saturation-based schemes, rural development, and job-generating infrastructure growth.
Poverty tackled, beyond the slogans
Notably, the most significant reductions were seen in NDA-ruled states — Uttar Pradesh and Bihar — which topped the charts in poverty reduction. UP brought its poverty rate down from 67.2 per cent to 32.1 per cent, while Bihar witnessed an even steeper fall from 69.6 per cent to 23.3 per cent, reaffirming the transformative impact of the Modi government's governance model.
This stands in stark contrast to the poverty politics of the past. As early as the 1960s, 40 per cent of rural and 50 per cent of urban Indians lived below the poverty line. Through the 1970s and 1980s, poverty remained entrenched, especially in rural areas where it crossed 50 per cent. Political responses came not through structural reform but through slogans. 'Garibi Hatao' became the rallying cry in election campaigns, but the underlying reality of deprivation persisted. Poverty, instead of being tackled head-on, was turned into a tool for populism, spoken of on podiums, ignored in policy. The slogan changed. Poverty stayed the same.
One of the less discussed but highly consequential transformations has been in food consumption patterns. A decade ago, the average Indian family, particularly in rural areas, consumed fresh fruits and perishable produce only seasonally, with limited access due to price volatility and poor supply chains. Today, over 90 per cent of rural households and 94 per cent of urban households report year-round access to fresh fruits. This shift has been made possible by infrastructure with intent — rural roads, logistics upgrades, and cold chain networks that have democratised nutrition.
Protecting heritage, promoting development
Another remarkable example of how PM Modi has blended heritage with holistic development is the transformation of Kashi through the Kashi Vishwanath Dham Corridor. Far from being just a beautification project, it has triggered a profound economic revival rooted in faith. Since its completion, Varanasi's income has surged by up to 75 per cent, with tourist footfall increasing 12 times. This rise has directly benefited boatmen, priests, hoteliers, shopkeepers, rickshaw pullers, and artisans, whose earnings have seen a sharp spike — boatmen's income up by 90 per cent, hotel revenues by 80 per cent, and employment in tourism-related sectors increasing by over 50 per cent. Traditional crafts like Banarasi sarees, meenakari, and handicrafts have also experienced a vibrant resurgence. What was once viewed as an overcrowded spiritual town now reflects a glowing confluence of devotion with development.
From hawai chappal to hawai jahaz
A shining symbol of aspirational inclusion is the UDAN (Ude Desh ka Aam Nagrik) scheme, launched in 2016 to make air travel accessible to the common man — from hawai chappal to hawai jahaz. Since the first UDAN flight in 2017, 625 routes have been operationalised, connecting 90 airports, including remote regions via 15 heliports and 2 water aerodromes. Over 1.49 crore passengers have benefitted, supported by ₹4,023 crore in Viability Gap Funding. Even airports have become more inclusive — with Yatri Cafés offering tea for ₹10 and samosas for ₹20 — turning elite spaces into public-friendly hubs.
The Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana (PMGSY) exemplifies how infrastructure can drive social mobility. According to recent data, PMGSY-connected habitations have seen an 8–10 per cent increase in farm productivity, a 12–15 per cent reduction in transport costs, and a 20 per cent rise in market access for rural businesses. School enrollment has increased by 15 per cent, healthcare access by 23 per cent, and maternal mortality has declined by 18 per cent. Perhaps most notably, female workforce participation has risen by 25 per cent, driven by women stepping into agricultural roles as men moved to non-farm jobs. Further, PMGSY-IV is poised to create over 40 crore person-days of employment — a massive boost for the rural economy.
The nation today is more connected, more confident, and more capable than ever before. India under Prime Minister Modi has shown that inclusive growth is not just a moral imperative — it is smart economics. While many around the world debate how to bridge inequality, India has offered a model: Reform with compassion, development with dignity, governance with grit.
The writer is National Spokesperson, Bharatiya Janata Party
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Book excerpt: How the global story of caste activism began in Marathwada
CASTE BOOK , SURAJ YENGDE , SURAJ MILIND YENGDE , NEW BOOK , NONFICTION , INDIAN WRITING , INDIAN NONFICTION : Nanded, my hometown in Marathwada, has been home to one of the most radical forms of Dalit politics for over a hundred years. The Arya Samaj, the Hindu reform movement, established one of its earliest centres in Marathwada. Fearing Muslim influence on the subaltern castes, the Arya Samaj started to reconvert the latter by offering janeu, the sacred thread. However, this was not looked upon favourably by non-Dalit villagers, who by way of punishment forcibly tattooed Dalit converts with hot iron rods. Marathwada has also seen a significant presence of Sikhs, Nanded being an important holy place for the Sikh religion. The radical message of mystics and spiritual teachers like Kabir, Raidas, Nanak and Gobind was carried by practitioners of the Sikh faith. In particular, the vision of society that Kabir and Raidas preached found especial resonance among the Dalits of Marathwada. 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My district and region were one of many centres of radical politics. Nanded's representative to India's independent parliament in 1957 belonged to a crop of radical Dalit politicians: Harihar Rao Sonule was our statement of our collective belief in constitutional promise. He was one of the early batch of Dalit MPs from the All India Scheduled Caste Federation who were intent on gaining rights for Dalits in the newly independent country. In our house in Janta Colony, Ambedkar Nagar, Nanded, my father listened to the morning Marathi news on DD Sahyadri—a government-owned satellite TV station. We had a black-and-white 14-inch television set made by a Videocon company. Each morning the same ritual was followed as I prepared for school. One day in 1997 my father held me and made me watch the TV: Kofi Annan was being elected as the secretary general of the United Nations Organization. My father called it Oono—UNO. He wanted me to register that a Black man had ascended to the topmost position of an inter-governmental body, never mind that Annan originally came from the crop of Ghanaian elites. My father perhaps wanted me to see that the UN and other international bodies could not only be accessible to native elites the world over, but could be a space even of Dalit politics. When the Taliban blew up statues of the Buddha, he and his associates protested by petitioning the UN—in a letter written in Marathi. Years later, when I was an intern at the UN's human rights office in Geneva, I was dismayed by its sheer inability to provide nonpolitical solutions to issues of the day…. In the United States, the Dalit cause was taken up by the coordinated efforts of professional class Dalits who had settled there. 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Also read: A new anthology of writings from south Asia celebrates marginalised voices Over the years, as my name became known in academic and literary circles, reports about me must have come to the attention of Dhale, for he commented to my cousin Nitin that 'Suraj has now become an important person". When Dhale died, the national media reached out to me to write an obituary. I was on the way to deliver a series of talks in Kolhapur. But I asked people to send me some books on Dhale and some of his original writings. I wrote the article on my journey from Aurangabad to Kolhapur, two sites driven by Ambedkar's politics. Dhale was widely read. He was among the first Dalits in the movement to actively pursue Black literature. In his young days, he dabbled in translating Black poets into Marathi. There are many such anecdotes about my father—who was my primary interlocutor to this history—and Dhale that touch my thinking and practice. 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