
Libya Takes Another Step Towards All-Out Civil War Amid Oil ‘Boom'
What was marketed as a fragile return to order in Libya has, once again, been exposed as a mirage. On May 12, Tripoli plunged into chaos following the reported killing of Abdul Ghani al-Kikli (aka 'Gheniwa'), the commander who runs the powerful SSA (Stability Support Apparatus), one of Libya's many militias whose patronage is necessary for either of the two clans that control the country's east and west in a bitter rivalry.
The gunfire and shelling that started to tear through Tripoli on Monday wasn't simply on the level of an isolated skirmish; this is a major tremor along a fast-widening geopolitical fault line that won't just expose Libyan oil to more hijacking. For readers of Oilprice.com's exclusive weekly newsletter, all will already be clear: The fragile system of mutually beneficial corruption that's kept the two clans from launching the next civil war is cracking.
For oil investors, it may be time for a rethink, and a recalculation of how much money they are willing to risk on the longer game here.
While global energy majors have expressed a great deal of excitement about Libya's potential oil production rebound, the resurgence of clashes in Tripoli make clear what seasoned analysts have warned all along: Libya is still one political misfire away from collapsing into violent fragmentation. For oil investors, the timing of these clashes couldn't be worse. This is not a market opportunity—it's a geopolitical storm in the making.The images out of Abu Salim—a Tripoli district that has long served as Gheniwa's stronghold—were grim. Clashes between the SSA and the Misrata-based 444 Brigade intensified within hours of news of his death. Multiple reports, including from Libya Observer and Al Jazeera, indicate that armored vehicles and heavy weaponry were deployed deep into residential areas. By nightfall, civilian life in Tripoli had ground to a halt, with the UN issuing an urgent call for calm, warning of 'significant risks to civilians.'
Gheniwa's SSA is one of many militias co-opted into state structures by the Government of National Unity (GNU), led by Prime Minister Abdul Hamid Dbeibah. His death leaves a power vacuum that other groups will waste no time attempting to fill, on behalf of General Khalifa Haftar, who rules the east and largely controls oil production and exports, if not oil revenues.
While the Tripoli clashes played out in real time, another headline flew mostly under the radar: the public prosecution ordered the detention of top executives at Al-Madar, Libya's largest mobile company. Ostensibly, the arrests target corruption. But in Libya's hyper-politicized environment, few believe this is mere legal housekeeping.
The move reflects an ongoing pattern, which is part of Dbeibah's broader campaign to neutralize institutions that could serve rival power centers (in other words, the Haftar clan). According to Libya Herald, the timing of the Al-Madar arrests aligns with increased internal competition between the GNU (Dbeiba's Government of National Unity) and rival institutions in the east, most notably the Libyan National Army (LNA) under Haftar. Control over communications, just like control over oil terminals and military infrastructure, is a lever of power.
As The Washington Institute poignantly noted earlier this week (and oil investors should pay attention), Libya is not governed by institutions. It is governed by men with militias, who wear the uniforms of state authority when convenient, and discard them when it suits political gain. The competition between Dbeibah and Haftar is not merely political; it is tribal, economic, and ultimately existential. Each side seeks not power-sharing, but monopoly, which means that the 'benefit-sharing' deal that has been in place for the past five years was simply a period of regrouping, with the aid of corruption on both sides. Once those arsenals are full, the deal is off.
OilPrice.com has recently highlighted the troubling trend of international oil companies showing renewed interest in Libya, buoyed by the country's ambitious production targets. Libya's National Oil Corporation (NOC) is eyeing a boost in daily output to 1.3 million barrels per day by 2026, which depends on stability.
The political framework supporting Libya's oil sector is built on quicksand. Smuggling syndicates, militia-run fuel rackets, and foreign mercenary networks (including recently rebranded Russian mercenaries in the east) continue to undermine any efforts at national coherence. Even technical staff at key export terminals operate under de facto militia rule.
The fatal flaw in investor optimism is that oil, unlike minerals or digital assets, requires physical infrastructure and physical security. Libya has neither. Every pipeline, refinery, and offshore platform sits within a zone of contested control. And with the central government unable (or unwilling) to disarm its own proxies, the industry is one factional dispute away from collapse. The assassination of a key Dbeibah militia commander is just that.
Complicating the picture further is the growing role of Russia, particularly in Haftar-controlled territories. Russian-linked interests have not only entrenched themselves in eastern oil facilities but are also creating an alternative power architecture in coordination with Haftar's camp.
Moscow's goal is not just energy influence; it's seeking access to the southern Mediterranean. For Western investors and governments, that should be a red flag. The same energy fields that are supposed to fuel European stability may, under current conditions, empower a Russia-aligned parallel state.
Where does that leave Libya, then? And who will come out on top?
That depends not simply on which militias each clan has won over with patronage schemes … It depends on which external powers will step into the fray more visibly than they are now.
Washington is busy with tariff warfare, Ukraine and Gaza. It's largely stepped aside as Syria's new post-Assad regime scrambles to secure power and external forces (Turkey, Israel, UAE, among others) stake their claims and attempt to secure the fallout. It's also been absent in Libya for the most part, while Russia homes in on key Libyan outposts in the east. America isn't playing geopolitics anymore. It's only business. The only deal Trump has attempted to cut with Libya recently is to absorb illegal immigrants being deported from the U.S., where they will end up (should it materialize) fighting a civil war in which the U.S. has zero stake, but which will play an influential role in the future balance of power.
By Tom Kool for Oilprice.com
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Hamilton Spectator
an hour ago
- Hamilton Spectator
Undocumented students push for right to education, but Alberta noncommittal
EDMONTON - Ariana Zapata's favourite subject in school is social studies. For the 13-year-old in Edmonton, this means lessons on historical societies, colonialism, how worldviews are developed and so on. The eighth grader's own worldview is still being built, but she has pillars in place: family, fight for what you believe in, don't be too trusting and, critically, education is a right. That's why, when Zapata gets home from school every day, she passes on what she learned to her three younger siblings. 'That way when they go back to school, they won't feel behind,' she said in a recent interview. School bells haven't applied to her brother and sisters in two years. They were kicked out of school when officials realized they were undocumented. Zapata is undocumented, too, but said her school hasn't figured that out yet. Alberta isn't unique in denying children without legal residency status from attending public school. Ontario is the only Canadian province or territory that legally requires schools to enrol undocumented children. Zapata and her family, along with a coalition of non-profit advocacy groups, want Alberta to follow in Ontario's footsteps. Samantha Vaux, a social worker with an Edmonton-based group that works with undocumented families, said that by not doing so, Alberta is not fulfilling commitments made by signing the United Nations Convention of the Child in 1999. Originally ratified in 1990, the convention states signatories 'shall' make 'primary education compulsory and available free to all.' 'It's not a privilege, it's a right,' said Vaux, with the Islamic Family and Social Services Association. 'The more those children are kept out of school, the more harmful it is not only to them, (but) to their family, the community, even our society.' There's no dependable estimate for how many undocumented people live in Canada. A briefing note prepared for former federal immigration minister Marc Miller last year said there could be as many as 500,000. Zapata's family came to Canada from Mexico a few years ago and applied for refugee status. All four Zapata children attended school for two years while the family's application was being processed. But when it was denied, so too was their right to attend publicly funded schools. The family decided it wasn't safe to return to Mexico and has stayed in Canada without documentation. Zapata said she feels the need to watch her back on the way to school, given the precariousness of her situation. Dayana Rodriguez knows that feeling, too. Rodriguez, 18, and her family came to Edmonton from Mexico in 2019 and applied for refugee status. Like the Zapatas, Rodriguez and her family were denied, but decided to stay. She attended school until 2022, but stopped after losing her residency status. 'We didn't even get out of the house,' she said of her time out of school. 'You are in your house, four walls. We couldn't even go to the park comfortably. 'It was like being in a jail.' When the Rodriguez family applied again, she returned to school, though she has recently dropped out to start working and support the family, including her two younger siblings. Rodriguez's five-year-old sister was born in Canada, so she might not face enrolment issues when the next school year comes around — but her teen brother might. 'They were also asking for his papers,' Rodriguez said. 'We had to talk to the school and they kind of let him (stay) for a little, but we don't know what's going to happen.' Vaux, who works with an undocumented family from Pakistan with four school-aged kids — all of whom can't enrol — said education is just one aspect of life that's barred to undocumented people in Canada. Public health care isn't an option, nor are jobs protected by labour laws. In May, after Vaux and other advocacy groups spoke at months of meetings, Edmonton Public School trustees voted to ask the province to change the laws to allow undocumented kids to go to school. Education Minister Demetrios Nicolaides hasn't directly answered questions about whether he'd considered making legislative changes, saying only that Alberta strives to 'strike a balance between responsibility to taxpayers and compassion for those arriving to the province.' Since the school board vote, his office denied multiple interview requests over a two-week period. It also didn't answer questions about whether Nicolaides agreed that Alberta isn't living up to its commitment to compulsory education. 'It's important to note that most foreign children are eligible for a funded education in the province,' Nicolaides said in a statement. Vaux said the lack of a clear answer was 'unacceptable.' 'It's literally red tape,' she said. 'Why are children's education stopped because of that?' She said children didn't make the decision to live without documentation, but are being punished as if they did. 'Children shouldn't have to suffer or deal with these adult issues,' Vaux said. 'They didn't ask to be put in those situations.' This report by The Canadian Press was first published June 22, 2025. Error! Sorry, there was an error processing your request. There was a problem with the recaptcha. Please try again. You may unsubscribe at any time. By signing up, you agree to our terms of use and privacy policy . This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google privacy policy and terms of service apply. Want more of the latest from us? Sign up for more at our newsletter page .


The Hill
4 hours ago
- The Hill
DNC leader faces growing scrutiny amid party turmoil
Democratic National Committee (DNC) Chair Ken Martin is under pressure amid growing turmoil within the party's ranks six months into President Trump's second administration. The committee has been plagued by party infighting that has spilled out into the open in recent weeks. Last week, two influential union heads — American Federation of Teachers President Randi Weingarten and American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees President Lee Saunders — stepped down from their posts at the committee. Meanwhile, former Vice Chair David Hogg announced he would not run for his post again amid internal disagreements with party leadership. And on top of the infighting, reports have surfaced the committee is strapped for cash amid frustration among donors. The developments have painted a picture of weakness, barring Democrats from fully uniting behind Trump. Some critics argue the issues can be traced back to Martin, but others insist it's a reflection of the Democratic ecosystem as a whole. 'Ken Martin is stepping into a really difficult situation right now, and I would say he was elected and they handed him a mop and a bucket,' said Brian Lemek, a Democratic strategist and founder and executive director of Defend the Vote. Martin assumed his position in the top role at the DNC in February after defeating then-Wisconsin Democratic Party Chair Ben Wikler in a competitive chair's race. His election came months after the party's sweeping losses across the board in 2024. His allies note Martin hit the ground running, unveiling his 50-state strategy in April. Martin pledged the DNC would donate a baseline of $17,500 to state parties and territories, marking a $5,000-per-month increase over the committee's previous contribution. Martin has also seen a number of special election victories during his tenure, including in Iowa, Nebraska and Pennsylvania. 'The man is everywhere,' said New Jersey-based DNC member Laura Matos, noting Martin's recent trip to the state, which is holding its governor's race in November. 'New Jersey doesn't regularly get the love and the attention for the purposes of the things we have going on here,' she said. 'He kicked off canvasses when he was here.' Still, recent polling paints a picture of a deeply unsatisfied Democratic base. A Reuters/Ipsos poll released Thursday found 62 percent of Democrats said 'party leaders should be replaced.' Forty-nine percent of Democratic respondents said they were 'unsatisfied with current leadership,' while 41 percent said they disagreed with the sentiment that they were unsatisfied with leadership. And most of the coverage surrounding the committee has been dominated by intraparty fighting that has spilled out into the open, something Democratic lawmakers are cognizant of. In a post on the social platform X following Weingarten's exit earlier this week, Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) said he wants 'to build a party with a big tent and inclusion, not subtraction and pushing people out.' '[Weingarten] understands the need for trades schools & apprenticeships more than anyone in our party [and Hogg] the need for primary competition and generational change,' Khanna said. And earlier this month, Rep. Mark Pocan (D-Wis.) said on X he 'would love to see a day go by that the DNC doesn't do something embarrassing and off-message' ahead of the vote to redo Hogg and Pennsylvania state Sen. Malcolm Kenyatta's (D) vice chair elections. 'Everyone should be focused on killing the cuts to healthcare & food assistance & education. And everyone should focus on next November,' Pocan said, adding 'internal bullshit done externally is stupid.' New York state Sen. James Skoufis (D), who ran against Martin for chair earlier this year and is a member of the committee's People's Cabinet, said Hogg is at 'the nexus' of the intraparty tensions. 'There's a lot of noise being generated by a very small handful of what I'll call backbiters who have some axe to grind,' Skoufis said. Saunders and Weingarten endorsed Wikler in the party chair's race earlier this year, and both were later removed by Martin from the DNC's influential Rules and Bylaws Committee. Both cited disagreements with Martin in their letters announcing their departures. Not every member who was removed by Martin from the Rules and Bylaws Committee has taken that approach. Florida state Sen. Shevrin Jones (D), who is a DNC member who was removed from the committee by Martin, said he still backs the chair. Jones argued that the internal tensions spilling out into the open only serve as a distraction for Democrats in their battle to take on Trump and Republicans. 'I think people need to separate their emotion from the work that needs to be done because the infighting that we're seeing, it's taking our focus off of the bigger picture at hand,' Jones told The Hill. 'For us to be in this moment and we're wasting our time talking about power and position when we should be talking about policy and people. That is how we're going to win elections,' he said. John Verdejo, a North Carolina-based DNC member who supports Martin, said the changes Martin brought with him to the committee are to be expected given the switch-up in leadership. 'I attribute that to real life where there's new management and when new management comes into any work situation, they want to change things up the way they see fit and that's what happened, especially in the case of the two labor presidents,' Verdejo said. 'Our problem is we're so quick, DNC members, or Democrats, really, if we want to complain, instead of complaining to the person aggrieved us, in this case Ken Martin, we're so quick to tweet it out or talk to the press about it instead of talking to the person that aggrieved us,' he continued. The DNC has also been subject to questions about its finances as it prepares for the midterms next year. The committee entered May with $18 million cash on hand, compared to the Republican National Committee, which started the month with $67.4 million in the bank. Additionally, in the first four months of 2025, only three donors gave $100,000 or more to the committee. A New York Times report published earlier this week highlighted reported concerns from Democrats about the committee's finances, but others note the smaller dollar donors should not be ignored. 'The DNC historically has too exclusively prioritized larger donors at the expense of smaller donors and that is no longer happening,' Skoufis said. On Friday, the committee announced it had raised $40 million during Martin's first four months as chair. In May, the DNC said it outpaced grassroots fundraising in May 2023 and 2024 and raised twice as much in grassroots dollars compared to May 2017. 'Powered by our grassroots community, the DNC has just set a new record for most money raised in the first four months under a new Chair — ever,' Martin said in a statement. 'What matters is winning elections, making Democrats competitive everywhere, expanding our tent, and putting our party on the right path.' Others within the DNC say the lower-than-usual numbers from larger donors are to be expected following 2024. 'Large donors made it clear that they were not going to give to the DNC until we got our act together. I think we knew that going into this,' Jones said, adding he believes donors will come back. 'But they're not going to come back if they still see a disconnect internally,' he said.


New York Post
5 hours ago
- New York Post
Pope Leo XIV says there should be no tolerance for abuse of any kind in Catholic Church
Pope Leo XIV has said there should be no tolerance in the Catholic Church for any type of abuse – sexual, spiritual or abuse of authority — and called for 'transparent processes' to create a culture of prevention across the church. Leo made his first public comments about the clergy sex abuse scandal in a written message to a Peruvian journalist who documented a particularly egregious case of abuse and financial corruption in a Peruvian-based Catholic movement, the Sodalitium Christianae Vitae. The message was read out loud on Friday night in Lima during a performance of a play based on the Sodalitium scandal and the work of the journalist, Paola Ugaz. Advertisement Pope Leo XIV claimed the Catholic Church should not tolerate any type of abuse. Getty Images 'It is urgent to root in the whole church a culture of prevention that does not tolerate any form of abuse – neither of power or authority, nor abuse of conscience, spiritual or sexual abuse,' Leo said in the message. 'This culture will only be authentic if it is born of active vigilance, of transparent processes and sincere listening to those who have been hurt. For this, we need journalists.' Leo is well aware of the Sodalitium scandal, since he spent two decades as a missionary priest and bishop in Peru, where the group was founded in 1971. Advertisement The then-Bishop Robert Prevost was responsible for listening to the Sodalitium's victims as the Peruvian bishops' point-person for abuse victims and helped some reach financial settlements with the organization. After Pope Francis brought him to the Vatican in 2023, Prevost helped dismantle the group entirely by overseeing the resignation of a powerful Sodalitium bishop. The Sodalitium was officially suppressed earlier this year, right before Francis died. Now as pope, Leo has to oversee the dismantling of the Soldalitium and its sizeable assets. The Vatican envoy on the ground handling the job, Monsignor Jordi Bertomeu, read out Leo's message on Friday night, appearing alongside Ugaz on stage. Advertisement Pope Leo XIV met with political leaders during the Jubilee of Governments at the Apostolic Palace on Saturday in Vatican City. ABACA/Shutterstock In the message, Leo also praised journalists for their courage in holding the powerful to account, demanded public authorities protect them and said a free press is an 'common good that cannot be renounced.' Ugaz and a Sodalitium victim, Pedro Salinas, have faced years of criminal and civil litigation from Sodalitium and its supporters for their investigative reporting into the group's twisted practices and financial misconduct, and they have praised Leo for his handling of the case. The abuse scandal is one of the thorniest dossiers facing Leo, especially given demands from survivors that he go even farther than Francis in applying a zero-tolerance for abuse across the church, including for abusers whose victims were adults.