logo
The guy helping to ‘bring hell' to Boston? He's from Boston.

The guy helping to ‘bring hell' to Boston? He's from Boston.

Boston Globe5 hours ago

Over the past weeks, many Americans have taken to the streets to protest the deportation of coworkers, family, schoolmates, and neighbors — and in some cases to protest the existence of ICE. At the same time,
Get The Gavel
A weekly SCOTUS explainer newsletter by columnist Kimberly Atkins Stohr.
Enter Email
Sign Up
For Lyons, the mission remains simple: enforce immigration law.
Advertisement
While criminals are the priority, 'everything's on the table,' he told me in a conference room at ICE headquarters in Washington, D.C., this week. And it appears he means it. From
The agency is acting more broadly than it did under President Joe Biden, who banned collateral arrests — detaining illegal immigrants who were found while in pursuit of migrants with criminal records. 'If more agencies had just turned people over in a confined setting [law enforcement custody], we wouldn't be out in the community. We're going to bump into more people. We can't walk away from them,' Lyons said. That was the same justification ICE used last month when its agents
Advertisement
Trump officials have zeroed in on progressive-led places like Boston and Massachusetts in an effort that partially feels like political retribution for sanctuary policies. The president's border czar, Tom Homan, threatened to
But Lyons, who worked in immigration enforcement in Boston for four years, sees the pressure less as political, and more as self-inflicted.
Massachusetts often releases immigrants charged or convicted with serious crimes instead of handing them over to ICE, authorities often
But that isn't Lyons' only gripe. 'Lunn just says you can't hold anybody on our detainers,' he said. 'But that doesn't mean the Mass. State Police can't pick up the phone and say, 'Hey, we got this guy on the side of the road.''
Advertisement
He claimed that some of the state's political leaders obstruct this cooperation. But sometimes police unofficially give ICE their support. He gave an example from Joint Base Cape Cod, which served as a temporary migrant shelter. Lyons said that a State Police official claimed they found a 'guy that's wanted for murder in Venezuela,' but that they weren't allowed to turn him over to ICE. But a law enforcement official told him: 'If you magically show up at the front gate, we'll give him to you.'
Other local police departments have quietly reached out for help, he says, leaving ICE to take the heat when they detain people. That is what Lyons told me happened during
Martha's Vineyard has six different police departments, and doesn't have one police chief. The county sheriff Robert Ogden told me that he didn't have any prior knowledge of the recent operation. I reached out to Lyons after the interview and was told that some police departments on the Vineyard 'cooperate, a few don't.'
The ability to cooperate with local officials to track down criminals is personal for Lyons. He says he lost a family member some years back to a fentanyl overdose. When investigators tried to pinpoint the source, it was 'tracked to a Dominican drug dealer that had been previously deported from my office,' he said.
'Night after night after night, Lawrence PD, Lowell PD, Methuen, Boston, have [custody of] these fentanyl dealers, three or four times,' Lyons contends, and many of them have reentered the country after deportation.
Advertisement
Can this system that both parties claim to hate be fixed? Any ICE director 'would say we are totally open to congressional rewrites of the law,' he said, and that streamlining would make it easier to focus on criminals. Too many Biden-era migrants were promised a chance at asylum – which he called a 'false hope' because many are in a state of legal limbo. A better system would allow some migrants to apply for asylum from their home country rather than making the dangerous trek to the US, then waiting years in immigration court.
But until reform comes, Lyons is sticking to the law. He gave an example from his time as a police officer in Florida: Stopping a dad on the way to work with a busted taillight only to find he also had a warrant on him for being delinquent on child support payments. 'You feel bad for that person, but it's still a law,' he told me. 'That's kind of the predicament I'm in.'
Carine Hajjar is a Globe Opinion writer. She can be reached at

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

How Trump's ‘big, beautiful bill' stacks up against his 2017 tax bill
How Trump's ‘big, beautiful bill' stacks up against his 2017 tax bill

The Hill

time22 minutes ago

  • The Hill

How Trump's ‘big, beautiful bill' stacks up against his 2017 tax bill

As Senate Republicans deliberate modifications to the reconciliation budget bill that the House of Representatives passed on May 22, one thing looks increasingly clear. Namely, the all-encompassing bill that President Trump favors will likely be enacted in July, despite protests from some Republican senators on various elements of the package. In that case, it would become the signature legislation of Donald Trump's second term, just as the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 was in his first term. So, how do the two bills compare? One of the major accomplishments of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act was to make the U.S. corporate tax code competitive with the rest of the world by lowering the marginal tax rate from 35 percent to 21 percent. According to economists Kevin Brady and Douglas Holz-Eakin, it did so by making the corporate rate cuts permanent, which proved to be highly successful. They point out that economic growth and business capital spending accelerated after the bill was enacted, and the U.S. did not lose a single multinational headquarters following a decade of large exoduses. The legislation currently being considered, by comparison, is focused on extending cuts in personal tax rates that are set to expire at the end of this year. Proponents claim that if the personal tax rates expire, most Americans will face tax increases that could weaken the economy. Democrats, however, argue that the tax cuts in the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act primarily benefit the very wealthy rather than middle-class or lower-income families, and they favor boosting taxes on the wealthy and corporations. Jeff Stein of the Washington Post observes that to counter this, Trump pivoted during the 2024 campaign by proposing new tax cuts that were easier to sell to specific groups of voters. The proposals included an end to taxes on tips, overtime and Social Security, as well as a tax deduction on borrowing costs to buy American-made cars. Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) said the Republicans in his chamber expect to deliver on these campaign promises, according to Bloomberg. Stein points out that, in the process, there has been a significant change in the way the Republican leadership views tax policy since Trump's first term. Most of the policies in the 2017 law were developed over the course of many years by think tanks in Washington, with former House Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wis.) and former Rep. Kevin Brady (R-Texas) serving as the principal architects. Their overriding goal was to simplify the code and lessen distortions without adding to budget deficits. In comparison, the current Republican approach to tax policy is more populist-oriented and designed to provide tax relief to select groups of voters. Politico reports that Republicans are piling on new tax breaks in hopes of boosting tax refunds ahead of next year's midterm elections. The provisions include a larger child tax credit, a larger state and local tax deduction and others that would be made retroactively. One challenge is that the extension of the 2017 tax cuts and the new initiatives are estimated to cost the federal government about $4 trillion over the next 10 years. Accordingly, there is little chance that the budget deficit will be brought under control, with spending cuts of only $1.5 trillion below current projections contemplated over that period. Another concern is that the tax cuts in the bill passed by the House are less oriented to promote long-term growth than the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act was. The Tax Foundation estimates that it would increase long-term GDP by only 0.8 percent (not annualized). It states that, 'by introducing narrowly targeted new provisions and sunsetting pro-growth provisions like bonus depreciation and [research and development] expensing, it leaves economic growth on the table.' Senate Republicans are trying to address this by including more permanent business tax cuts and full expensing for equipment and research and development in their version of the bill. The Wall Street Journal Editorial Board argues that one of the most constructive changes in the 2017 bill was letting businesses immediately deduct the full cost of capital outlays rather than spread them out. It boosted capital spending until full expensing was phased out in 2022. Another critique relates to fairness. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities contends that the House bill is skewed to the wealthy, costs more than extending the 2017 tax law and fails to deliver for families. It concludes that instead of changing course and prioritizing people with low and moderate incomes, the tax bill only offers more of the same. When the impact of proposed Medicaid cuts is factored into the equation, the Republican bill is unpopular with the public at large. For example, recent polls undertaken by Quinnipiac, the Washington Post-Ipsos and KFF all show that a plurality of voters oppose the House bill, with many citing the attempt to pare back Medicaid funding. Finally, my take is that Trump is making the same mistake Joe Biden did by believing that all-encompassing legislation is better than more targeted bills that spell out clear policy objectives. The principal difference is that Trump favors a grab-bag of tax cuts and spending cuts, whereas Biden was enamored with massive spending bills. In my book about Trump's economic policies in his first term, my assessment was that investors would respond enthusiastically to the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, which they did as the stock market rose steadily leading up to its passage. In comparison, the market's response this time is more ambiguous amid confusion about the objectives of the 'big, beautiful bill' and uncertainty about the global trade conflict. Nicholas Sargen, Ph.D., is an economic consultant for Fort Washington Investment Advisors and is affiliated with the University of Virginia's Darden School of Business. He has written three books, including 'Investing in the Trump Era: How Economic Policies Impact Financial Markets.'

Iran rejects US talks after Trump gives two-week deadline to allow for negotiations
Iran rejects US talks after Trump gives two-week deadline to allow for negotiations

New York Post

time32 minutes ago

  • New York Post

Iran rejects US talks after Trump gives two-week deadline to allow for negotiations

Iran said Friday it would refuse to hold nuclear talks with the US while it was still under attack from Israel after President Trump essentially gave a two-week deadline to allow for renewed negotiations. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi vowed there was no room for negotiations with the United States 'until Israeli aggression stops.' 5 An IAF fighter jet taking off at night. IDF Advertisement 5 Night vision footage of Iranian missile systems and radar installations. IDF 'Americans want to negotiate and have sent messages several times, but we clearly said that as long as this aggression doesn't stop, there's no place for talk of dialogue,' he said in an address on state television. He accused the US, too, of being a 'partner to Israeli crime against Iran.' Advertisement Israeli forces on Friday were ordered to intensify strikes on Iran in an effort to completely 'destabilize' the regime — a week after first launching a barrage of missiles at Tehran. 5 A crane lifts a destroyed car at an impact site following Iran's missile strike on in Be'er Sheva, Israel, June 20, 2025. REUTERS 5 Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei addresses the nation in a state television broadcast on June 18. Office of the Supreme Leader of Iran via Getty Images The latest attacks come after President Trump said Thursday he'd make a final decision on whether to strike Iran in the 'next two weeks' as he held out hope that negotiations over Tehran's nuclear program could continue. Advertisement 'Based on the fact that there's a substantial chance of negotiations that may or may not take place with Iran in the near future, I will make my decision whether or not to go within the next two weeks,' Trump said in a statement. Read the latest on the conflict between Israel and Iran Meanwhile, Iran's foreign minister was due to meet his European counterparts in Geneva later on Friday to discuss, in part, the nuclear program. 5 Trump speaks to the media from the Oval Office on June 18. REUTERS Advertisement Trump's special envoy, Steve Witkoff, who has been in charge of negotiations with Iran, is not slated to attend the talks. With Post wires

Our unexploded bombs in Southeast Asia from 50 years ago still kill people today
Our unexploded bombs in Southeast Asia from 50 years ago still kill people today

The Hill

timean hour ago

  • The Hill

Our unexploded bombs in Southeast Asia from 50 years ago still kill people today

Imagine airplanes dropping bombs every 8 minutes, 24 hours a day, for 9 long years. This was the reality for Laos, a country scarred by a secret war most Americans never knew about. My parents, age 14 at the time, were forced to endure the destruction and displacement of their community, its people and its religious sites. From 1964 to 1973, the U.S. secretly dropped at least 2.5 million tons of ordnance on Laos during 580,000 bombing missions, making it the most bombed country per capita in history. Although I wasn't born during this war, I inherited its consequences. As a child, I witnessed my father, a surgeon, operate on countless victims of unexploded ordnance accidents. One was my classmate, a five-year-old little girl. The imminent dangers forced my family to flee in 1990 when I was only six years old. In 1971, the so-called 'Secret War' in Laos was revealed to Congress, thanks to the courage of Fred Branfman and Bouangeun Luangpraseuth, who collected harrowing survivor testimonials. Yet it took two more decades before the U.S. began allocating funds to clean up its mess. In 1993, funding remained under $3 million, barely a drop compared to the $50 billion it had cost to bomb a neutral country against which we never declared war. Today, millions of unexploded bombs remain, posing a deadly threat to children and their families. An estimated one-fourth of Laos is contaminated and less than 10 percent has been cleared. This burden hinders all aspects of life for the people of Laos, not only safety, but the long-term economic development. As we commemorate World Refugee Day on June 20, we also recognize two other important dates: 50 years since the end of the Vietnam War and 50 years since the largest refugee resettlement wave in U.S. history — a direct result of America's military actions in Southeast Asia. The Vietnam War affected not just the U.S. and Vietnam, but also Laos and Cambodia. Instead of celebrating our collective gains of peace with former adversaries, President Trump took office announcing a 90-day foreign aid freeze on January 20. All U.S.-funded programs were issued a stop-work order, including life-saving de-mining initiatives in Laos. This was no insignificant matter. During the freeze, there were nine casualties in Laos from unexploded ordnance, including the death of a 15-year-old girl. Thanks to persistent advocacy efforts from former U.S. ambassadors, veterans, youth and strong bipartisan Congressional support, funding for unexploded ordnance programs has resumed. but the damage during the halt is irreversible, and the trust between our country and the region is fragile. To its credit, the U.S. has worked to resolve the enduring legacies of war — efforts that have saved lives, supported vulnerable communities, and strengthened diplomacy. Foreign aid is a strategic investment in our nation's long-term interests and global stability. Nowhere is this more evident than in Southeast Asia, where U.S. assistance has shown clear and lasting benefits: improved safety, stronger economies, and deeper cooperation between nations. The U.S. began its post-war engagement by focusing on the recovery of Americans missing in action in 1985. The first American investigative team was approved by the Laotian government well before Laos and the U.S. normalized relations. The American team traveled to my childhood home, Pakse, Laos, to recover the remains of 13 service members lost in a 1972 plane crash. Since then, the U.S. has recovered more than 280 of the MIAs in Laos. This collaboration became the cornerstone for broader initiatives, such as the removal of unexploded ordnance and education about the dangers of explosive remnants of war. These preventative efforts, combined with de-mining, have led to a dramatic drop in casualties in Laos, from more than 300 annually to 60 or fewer in the last decade. Recognizing the value of these efforts, the U.S. now invests in similar programs globally and is the world's largest supporter of humanitarian de-mining, with more than $5 billion invested to date. These programs prove what long-term commitment and international cooperation can achieve — helping war-torn communities rebuild, heal, and thrive. As a former refugee, I view World Refugee Day as not just a day of reflection, but a reckoning — a test of our values, of whether we are willing to do right by those still living with the consequences of our past actions. If America is to lead with morality, it must continue investing in the recovery of countries like Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam. That means sustained funding and genuine partnership — not the politics of the moment, but a humane foreign policy shaped by the lessons of our past. In the end, this is not only about Southeast Asia. It is about who we are and who we choose to be. America's legacy should not be measured by the bombs we dropped, but by the lives we choose to heal. Sera Koulabdara is CEO of Legacies of War and co-chair of the War Legacies Working Group.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store