Progress unravelled, and millions left vulnerable: how British aid cuts threaten British health too

Right now, aid reductions across the globe are jeopardising decades of progress against preventable diseases, leaving millions of people vulnerable. This retreat from global health threatens to unravel hard-won advances against diseases we have nearly conquered.
Polio, which paralysed hundreds of thousands of children annually just 40 years ago, has been eliminated in most parts of the world. Meanwhile, there has been a resurgence of diseases such as measles and cholera in populations besieged by conflict and climate emergencies.
Britain faces a critical choice: follow this global trend of disengagement or stand firm as a bulwark for international health security.
I understand the tough trade-offs the government must make to get public spending under control, but the stakes extend beyond humanitarian concerns to our own national interests. Last year, the detection of poliovirus in UK sewers threatened our own children and delivered a reminder that diseases respect no borders. Our protection at home depends directly on our commitment to efforts abroad.
Yet the government's budget spending review promises precisely the wrong direction. By slashing international aid to a 25-year low – from 0.5% of gross national income to just 0.3% – to finance increased defence spending, the government paradoxically risks undermining our own domestic health security.
In real terms, this would gut our development assistance by 40% in just four years. Such draconian cuts would severely undermine all major global health initiatives.
Of course, fiscal prudence is necessary, but how can we ignore the humanitarian and strategic costs of these reductions?
Even beyond self-protection, a strong global health budget surely reflects our deepest values. No child should die from a disease we can prevent.
Threats to global health inevitably become threats to Britain's health, and all our protection depends on maintaining our international leadership in this field.
Now, as vulnerable children face renewed threats from these very diseases, polio stands as a glaring example of what is at stake.
In 1988, the Global Polio Eradication Initiative (GPEI) was formed – a landmark public-private partnership led by national governments alongside partners including Rotary International, the World Health Organization and Unicef. This collaborative effort is crucial for tackling a major health threat such as polio. Since worldwide vaccination efforts began, an estimated 20 million children who would have been paralysed are walking today, and approximately 1.6 million deaths have been averted.
This is remarkable, but fragile, progress. In 2024, the number of children paralysed rose in Pakistan and Afghanistan, the two remaining endemic countries. In grim examples of how conflict can upend everything, polio paralysed a child in Gaza for the first time in two decades last year and continues to afflict families in Sudan. Not investing in polio could translate to 200,000 new cases of the disease every year, including in countries where it has long been eradicated, and cost the world billions.
Pound for pound, prevention has consistently proved to be a 'best buy' compared with endlessly responding to outbreaks. The financial case for continued investment in polio eradication is unassailable.
Yet the global eradication agenda faces a critical funding gap of about £1.7bn to meet its overall £5bn target. The UK has invested £1.3bn since 1988 and is one of the effort's staunchest backers. Support is needed now more than ever. At its core, the GPEI is a partnership.
To abandon our commitments now, on the threshold of ending polio for good, would undermine decades of investment, leave millions of children unprotected and ultimately cost more in the long run.
We have the tools to end polio for good, along with strong public backing: last month, more than 85,000 people across the UK participated in the Rise Together movement challenge in support of efforts to end the disease.
As Britain faces its most challenging fiscal scrutiny in decades, the decisions made today will define our country's economic success – as well as our reputation as stewards of a safer, healthier world for all. The budget spending review presents an opportunity to state unequivocally that the UK will maintain a long-term commitment to protecting children worldwide, including our own, from preventable diseases.
The choice before us is clear. We can honour a proud tradition of global health leadership by maintaining our commitment to eradicate polio once and for all, or we can retreat at the very moment victory is within reach.
Sarah Champion is the Labour MP for Rotherham

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The best yoga mats and non-slip exercise mats tried and tested, from Lululemon to Yogi Bare

Given its transformative benefits for mind and body, the barrier for entry to yoga is low. You need very little specialised clothing or equipment – in fact, all you need is a mat, a pair of gym leggings and a water bottle. The best yoga mat will provide you with a stable, grippy surface on which to practice. There is nothing less zen than finding your hands are slipping forward in downward facing dog, or that your peaceful warrior pose isn't feeling all that peaceful because your mat won't stay in place. To maintain a consistent yoga practice, a decent mat is key. Unlike other fitness equipment such as rowing machines and treadmills, a yoga mat won't clean out your bank account – some mats are as little as £20. But not just any old mat will do – Emma Henry, an expert yoga teacher at Triyoga, says that investing in a decent model will pay dividends further down the line. 'There's nothing more frustrating in a fast-paced Vinyasa flow than slipping, so enough grip is key,' says Henry, who recommends the Liforme mat. 'There are cheaper ones available that are decent, but they might not last as long.' We've reviewed the best yoga mats in depth below and provided answers to some frequently asked questions. However, if you're finding yourself strapped for time, here's a quick summary: The best yoga mats: At a glance JUMP TO REVIEWS How to choose the best yoga mat When selecting the best yoga mat, thickness is paramount: a standard mat (around 3mm) provides a stable base for balance and flow, while thicker mats (up to 6mm) offer extra cushioning for sensitive joints or restorative sessions. The right thickness prevents discomfort and helps protect knees and wrists during prolonged poses. Material matters for both performance and sustainability. PVC mats are durable and provide excellent grip, but may not align with eco-friendly values. 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Best Buy Yoga Mat: Lululemon The Mat Top marks for this double-sided mat from Lululemon, which offers unparalleled grip, a stable surface and plenty of support. It's unnoticeable in the best way; I felt grounded and supported, and my hands and feet didn't budge. Lululemon offers several thicknesses of mat, but I would opt for the 5mm for joint support. This mat is reversible and comes in a wide range of colours and designs. One side is smooth and the other is slightly textured, but both are made from natural rubber. It's the perfect size – a touch longer and wider than most standard yoga mats, at 180cm x 66cm. This means it offers plenty of space to stretch out. Thanks to its slightly thicker construction, I found it also makes the perfect partner to HIIT and strength workouts. Despite being thicker than most others, it's not unduly heavy, at 2.4kg. That's the upper end of what I'd consider to be an easy weight to carry, but it means that this mat excels both at home and in class. 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At 4mm thick, it's certainly on the thinner end of the spectrum, but I still find it supportive enough for my joints. That said, my wrists, where I have a particular weakness as a result of previous injury, would have preferred a little more cushioning. It measures 180cm x 66cm, so it's a touch narrower than the Liforme mat, but I found it to be more than spacious enough. For reference, I could easily still squat while facing sideways. Living in a small London flat, I actually appreciated the narrow form and it was plenty long enough for my 174cm height. Other small but appreciated features include the alignment and orientation guides to keep you on track during different movement types, and notes of affirmation which depend on the colour you choose – my 'desert sand' colourway told me 'you belong here', which was reassuring during a particularly gruelling ab workout. As for the sustainability credentials, Yogi Bare uses natural rubber, plant-based dyes and recycled packaging. 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Telegraph

36 minutes ago

• Telegraph

The Lords must now revise this dreadful assisted dying Bill

Britain is a less civilised country today. Seldom has the House of Commons enacted legislation with such potentially calamitous consequences as the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill, which has passed its third reading by a majority of 314 to 291. The narrow margin of victory for the assisted dying Bill indicates that opinion had turned against the legalisation of euthanasia during the process of scrutiny, but not in sufficient numbers to defeat it. The only hope of mitigating its worst aspects now lies with the House of Lords. The Lords is a revising chamber and it should now do the job that the Commons failed to do: proper scrutiny. In this case, the revision required to make this legislation workable and safe will have to be radical. This Private Member's Bill was not in the Labour manifesto and so the Upper House is much less limited by convention in the scope of possible amendments. Peers are not generally eager to correct the follies of MPs, but this time their Lordships' duty is to make root and branch changes to the Bill, even if this risks confrontation with the Commons. In particular, the bishops of the Church of England have a responsibility to speak out much more clearly on a matter of such moral gravity. We know that in countries where euthanasia has been legalised, a large and growing proportion of all deaths are now assisted by doctors. In Canada, for example, some studies suggest up to 10 per cent of all lives will end in this way. Surely the Lords Spiritual should be leading the national conversation about what is likely to become reality here, too, in the very near future. Many people will rightly feel a sense of dread at the prospect of death on the NHS. When the new law takes effect in 2029, our health service will be obliged to offer assisted suicide as though it were just another form of care. Palliative care (already the Cinderella of the NHS) will now compete for resources with the new 'service'. As we report, assisted death is likely to overwhelm the NHS and finally break its budgets. Doctors will have to offer lethal drugs to any and all patients who are deemed to be terminally ill, as long as they have mental capacity. Those who meet the criteria could include patients with all kinds of disabilities, people with Down's Syndrome and those with eating disorders. The panels that will decide whether to authorise assisted dying do not need to have personal knowledge of the patient, nor to inform families or friends. They need only decide on the balance of probabilities that the patient is not being coerced. How did Britain find itself saddled with such a 'bad Bill', as the Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch called it, on a matter of such cardinal importance? The Prime Minister must carry much of the blame. Unwilling to shoulder responsibility, he chose to pass the buck to Kim Leadbeater, a backbench MP with more zeal than sagacity. A Government Bill would have allowed much more time to examine the practical costs and benefits of shoehorning the provision of medicalised death into a service designed to preserve life. One of Sir Keir Starmer's predecessors, Gordon Brown, rightly observed that in the name of autonomy the Bill sets up a false choice. Patients who request assisted dying will in future have a legal right to receive it, 'without guaranteeing anything approaching an equivalent right to high-quality palliative care for those close to death', he said. The refusal of the Commons to acknowledge this glaring injustice now places the onus on the Lords to enable physicians to offer terminal patients a genuine choice. Whatever one's views about the principle of assisted dying, this Bill is a case of legislating in haste and repenting at leisure. Posterity will have to live with its lasting impact on the relationship between the public and the medical profession. But it is not too late for peers to remedy some of the Bill's flaws.

Rhyl Journal

an hour ago

• Rhyl Journal

ADHD waiting list led to rise in unregulated private providers

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