logo
Insurance reform worsens affordability in flood-prone Louisiana

Insurance reform worsens affordability in flood-prone Louisiana

Yahoo27-01-2025

The Plaquemines Parish community of Ironton, along the west bank of the Mississippi River south of New Orleans, flooded heavily during Hurricane Ida in 2021. (Halle Parker/WWNO)
Flood insurance is a tenet of life in water-burdened Louisiana. The low-lying portions of the state face rising water from the disappearing coast and more frequent heavy rainfall from hurricanes and seasonal storms that outpace the ability of local drainage systems to clear flooding.
But skyrocketing costs of National Flood Insurance Program (NFIP) coverage are spurring significant departure from the program, with about 70,000 policies dropped in Louisiana from 2022 to 2024. When paired with the ongoing home insurance crisis in Louisiana, this raises premium costs even more. Many are dropping insurance, contributing to an endless cycle of higher payments for those who need to maintain flood insurance or want to mitigate the risk of facing rising floodwaters.
Theryn Henkel, a former resident of the Gentilly neighborhood in New Orleans, knows the risks of flooding better than most. She lived in Louisiana for 18 years and worked as a scientist with the Coastal Protection and Restoration Authority.
Henkel bought a new café-au-lait-colored shotgun-style house and painted the door bright green. The house is elevated, the base raised about 3 feet off the ground with red brick to account for frequent flooding. Henkel purchased flood insurance just to be safe.
'I'm very into the coastal restoration realm and know the risks,' she said, 'so it was almost immoral for me to not have flood insurance, you know … I think it was very important to have it.'
SUBSCRIBE: GET THE MORNING HEADLINES DELIVERED TO YOUR INBOX
Her house wasn't technically in a high-risk area, and flood insurance was affordable – at about $400 a year.
'That was a cost that I was really willing to eat,' she said, even with regular home insurance in the state rising to $700 more than the national average.
By 2022, her premium had crept up to $650. By 2023, Henkel left Louisiana, saying spiking insurance costs contributed to her decision to leave for a new job in Olympia, Washington. She said she would have dropped her flood coverage had she decided to stay.
Created by Congress in 1968 in the aftermath of Hurricane Betsy, which devastated New Orleans, the NFIP acts as a last-resort for insurance coverage in areas deemed too risky by the private insurance market, pooling flood risk across a larger population to make prices more affordable.
The equation was simple; the more flood-prone a property, the higher the premium, based on flood maps and how high up a structure was relative to base elevation.
But the NFIP has been in debt for nearly two decades, even after Congress forgave $16 billion worth in 2017. Lawmakers lobbied for reform, and first instituted Risk Rating 2.0 in late 2021 and throughout 2022.
The new rate-calculation system aims to make the program more financially solvent and more accurate, with premiums reflecting actual risk: A property's proximity to flood threats and a home's construction style are factored in when pricing premiums.
'A lot of areas that are underwritten by the National Flood Insurance Program, that are in flood prone areas, and that are repetitive loss, are losing money and draining a lot of the resources,' said Jeff Schlegelmilch, Columbia University associate professor and director of the National Center for Disaster Preparedness at the Columbia Climate School.
He said that while Risk Rating 2.0 better addresses risk than previous FEMA tools, in an attempt to make the program more equitable, it's made coastal communities less affordable.
'Raising rates to reflect actual risk puts you in a situation where you're pricing people out of their homes, which has very devastating consequences for individuals and communities,' said Schlegelmilch.
Rising premiums have forced some to abandon flood insurance entirely, increasing risks and pushing costs higher for those who remain in the program.
Marguerite Oestreicher, director of Habitat for Humanity in New Orleans, describes the struggle for homeowners already struggling financially.
'It's not that people want to be uninsured. It's just, you know, the math just doesn't work, and you don't have enough cash to cover basic needs,' Oestreicher said. 'It's groceries, it's health care, power bills … we are seeing people do without because of insurance.'
Louisiana's waterlogged history makes it number one in the nation for repeat flooding for properties covered under the NFIP. According to data from the Federal Emergency Management Agency and the Natural Resource Defense Council, just over 43,000 properties have filed multiple flood insurance claims over the past 10 years.
Jefferson and Orleans parishes have the most NFIP repeat flood claims in Louisiana, with about 40% of the state's total over the past 10 years. With aging infrastructure and low-lying areas prone to hurricane damage, both parishes often flood.
The key to curbing flood disasters is prevention, said Michael Hecht, CEO of the regional economic development nonprofit group Greater New Orleans Inc.
'The long-term solution is mitigation, both individual mitigation at the structure level and community mitigation, up to and including federal levees,' Hecht said.
Mitigation — raising homes, improving drainage or constructing levees — can break the cycle of flooding. But the process of elevating a home, one of the most popular mitigation strategies, can be expensive and difficult.
Only 22% of the over 43,000 properties in Louisiana that have filed at least two NFIP damage claims have reduced their risk of flooding by raising their structures. In Orleans Parish, which includes New Orleans, 82% of the 8,568 properties with NFIP repeat flooding claims have never had flood prevention updates.
Climate adaptation is very central to our insurance crisis. Every year is going to be riskier than the last … and insurers are well aware of that.
– Caroline Kousky, Insurance for Good
Most people want to protect their homes from flooding, but affordability can make the path to home protection hard to navigate. FEMA offers various types of grants for repeatedly flooded properties, but these grants often require years to secure. Additionally, property owners must maintain current flood insurance policies to qualify, a challenge, given soaring premiums.
'With Risk Rating 2.0, our main concern with it right now is that it does not reliably incentivize mitigation,' said Peter Waggonner, public policy director for GNO Inc.
'Households or communities are saying 'well, we're doing this work in risk reduction, and we're not seeing a change in the insurance market,'' said Carolyn Kousky, founder of the nonprofit advocacy group Insurance for Good.
She said despite individual mitigations like home elevations qualifying people for discounts, the models used for assessing risk under Risk Rating 2.0 aren't accounting for efforts to mitigate flood risk in a timely enough way at a community level to reliably incentivize mitigation.
'Sometimes the best approaches for managing flood risk are community based approaches' like levees and wetland restoration, Kousky said. The NFIP allows for communities to earn points on their Community Rating System, but Kousky identified a 'gap' in making sure new flood models target rate reduction to individual property owners rather than to a whole community.
'We are not seeing [Risk Rating 2.0] account for that in a timely way right now,' she said.
Lack of transparency as to how Risk Rating 2.0 evaluates risk stands at the center of Louisiana's flood insurance crisis.
St. Charles Parish sued FEMA in 2023 over the agency's failure to provide information on how flood risk was assessed for homes with increasing premiums. FEMA responded to the suit, saying the data used was proprietary information purchased from a private company.
'There's an utter lack of transparency [and] the affordability guidelines or guardrails are not in there right now,' Waggonner said. 'You do risk pricing working-class or people on a fixed income out of their home over time.'
In congressional hearings, Hecht has criticized the program and demanded reform, calling NFIP 'unaffordable, inaccurate, and contradictory to the environmental and economic wellbeing of our country.' He said 'flood insurance is a slow moving glacier of destruction of real estate value' for New Orleans and other flood prone areas of Louisiana.
Louisiana lawmakers also continue to push for solutions.
Sen. Kirk Talbot, R-River Ridge, who leads his chamber's insurance committee, has said Risk Rating 2.0 is 'screwed up' and is working to coordinate national efforts to address insurance affordability.
But Rep. Tim Kerner Sr., R-Lafitte, still thinks the mitigation projects are worth the investment, despite the high cost of flood insurance. His waterfront town, even though it's surrounded by a 'ring' levee, routinely floods during most storms.
'People continue to suffer,' Kerner said. 'We've got to protect the people, help them with mitigation, help them get their houses raised … I'm hoping we have a special session to tackle these issues.'
Kousky said in order to facilitate systemic solutions, there need to be more tools to lower flood risk and consideration for what it means 'to live in a high risk area' like Southeast Louisiana.
FEMA recently introduced a customer support tool to help address some of the transparency problems with risk assessment, hoping to share rate calculations directly with individuals who then seek out an insurance agent and make coverage more affordable.
But the tool doesn't allow people to check beforehand what discounts they could get for elevating a home before getting flood insurance, said Waggonner, 'so there still is not that communication and transparency in terms of what I would get if I were to flood proof or make some upfront investment into my property.'
Some proposed solutions meant to address the affordability issue with the NFIP include means-based assistance programs or offering monthly installment payments instead of discounting premiums.
A Government Accountability Office report from 2023 suggested a similar approach, recommending that Congress work to start 'replacing discounted premiums with a means-based assistance program that is reflected in the federal budget.'
Kousky reiterated that, along with addressing pricing equity in flood insurance, officials also need to be talking about climate change.
'Climate adaptation is very central to our insurance crisis,' Kousky said. 'Every year is going to be riskier than the last … and insurers are well aware of that.'
She emphasised how a warming climate and the insurance crisis are inextricably linked and, while building resilience into communities with mitigation measures and careful development is hard, 'we can't solve the current insurance crisis without much more substantial, serious attention to what it means to build and live in a higher risk area.'
SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE
This story is a product of the Mississippi River Basin Ag & Water Desk, an independent reporting network based at the University of Missouri in partnership with Report for America, with major funding from the Walton Family Foundation.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

The Issue That Can Damage Republicans the Most
The Issue That Can Damage Republicans the Most

Bloomberg

time6 hours ago

  • Bloomberg

The Issue That Can Damage Republicans the Most

Amid all the news that Donald Trump creates, and there's a lot, one story stands out for its unrivaled potential to damage the president's political standing: the Republican effort to pass a huge budget bill that, among other things, would kick millions of people off Medicaid. Above all else, this is what Democrats should be focused on. The polling on this legislation is terrible, and with good reason. It's one thing to ask for belt-tightening in a spirit of shared sacrifice, but the One Big Beautiful Bill Act doesn't reduce the deficit at all — on the contrary, it adds nearly $3 trillion to the national debt. And that's an underestimate. According to the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, if all its changes were made permanent, the bill would add closer to $5 trillion in new debt. Nor can economic growth avert this fiscal catastrophe. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that on a 'dynamic scoring' basis — which usually reduces the cost of legislation — the price tag of the bill actually goes up by nearly $400 billion due to higher interest rates. This upward pressure on interest rates will spread through the economy and slow growth.

Sweeping GOP budget bill illuminates the central fault line in the modern Republican coalition
Sweeping GOP budget bill illuminates the central fault line in the modern Republican coalition

CNN

time7 hours ago

  • CNN

Sweeping GOP budget bill illuminates the central fault line in the modern Republican coalition

The sweeping Republican budget bill advancing through Congress illuminates the central fault line in the modern GOP electoral coalition more starkly than any legislation in decades. The bill sharpens the GOP's long-standing tension between a political strategy that increasingly relies on financially squeezed working-class voters and an economic agenda that still funnels its greatest direct benefits to the affluent. The budget legislation makes that conflict unusually explicit because, for the first time in 30 years, the GOP has tied large spending cuts that will mostly hurt families below the median income in the same bill with big tax cuts that mostly benefit families above it. In the past, Republican tax bills 'where the benefits were more tilted toward the rich were not uncommon,' said Harris Eppsteiner, associate director for economic analysis for the Budget Lab at Yale University. 'But the thing that is unique here is that it is paired to cuts in the safety net that will leave folks at the bottom worse off.' More than any other single factor, Democrats are counting on a voter backlash against the budget bill — which passed the House earlier this month and is moving toward a floor vote maybe as soon as this week in the Senate — to power them to gains in the 2026 midterm elections. 'It's a powerful thing to be able to say they are cutting Medicaid and people's health care, popular programs, to fund a tax cut for the wealthiest people,' said Nick Gourevitch, a Democratic pollster. Congressional Republicans are already trying to build defenses against that argument. They are highlighting the aspects of the tax plan with the broadest populist appeal and presenting the bill's substantial cuts in Medicaid spending as a form of welfare reform that will preserve benefits for the neediest. Since the Ronald Reagan era, Republicans also have consistently shown that they can neutralize Democratic economic appeals to White blue-collar voters by painting the party as excessively liberal on cultural issues such as crime, immigration and LGBTQ rights. Yet the magnitude of what Republicans are attempting with this single bill will test that record. Simultaneously, according to nonpartisan analyses, the bill could strip health insurance from at least 16 million Americans and significantly cut food assistance — while also providing tax cuts worth over $100,000 annually to the top 0.1% of earners. Bobby Kogan, a former Senate Budget Committee aide who now analyzes fiscal policy at the liberal Center for American Progress, says that considering all its provisions, the legislation 'would be the biggest transfer from the poor to the rich in a single bill in US history.' An early skirmish between Republican Rep. Don Bacon of Nebraska and a liberal advocacy group is previewing how the debate may play out next year over what Republicans, adopting President Trump's terminology, are calling their 'One Big Beautiful Bill.' Unrig the Economy, the liberal advocacy group, has run radio and television ads in Bacon's Omaha district attacking him over his vote supporting the budget bill when it passed the House in May. 'He's actually cutting Medicaid so he can give tax breaks to big corporations and billionaires,' an Omaha woman identified as Audrey declares in the television ad. The argument that Republicans are taking health care from people who need it to fund tax cuts for people who don't is likely to be central in Democratic House and Senate campaigns next year. 'It is key that both House and Senate Democrats continue to implement this message as far and wide as possible,' the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee wrote in a strategy memo released earlier this month. Bacon, one of just three House Republicans left in districts that voted for Kamala Harris in the 2024 presidential election, has previewed the likely GOP response to those arguments in his pushback against the advocacy group's ads. He's emphasized the portion of the bill's Medicaid changes adding work requirements. 'We expect if you're an able-bodied adult without children that you should be seeking a job or getting the skills to get another job or as a minimum, volunteering 20 hours a week,' Bacon said in a press call with local reporters earlier this month. Republicans yoked the tax and spending cuts into one bill largely to satisfy hardline House conservatives who were complaining that the tax plan dangerously inflated the federal deficit and debt. But in choosing to pair the tax and spending cuts, the GOP conspicuously departed from its strategy for the tax cuts it passed under Presidents George W. Bush in 2001 and 2003 and Trump in 2017. Each of those bills offered sugar without spinach: They cut taxes without reducing spending. The last time the GOP pursued tax and spending cuts in the same bill was in 1995, when the aggressive 'Republican Revolution' Congress led by House Speaker Newt Gingrich precipitated an intense fiscal battle with then-President Bill Clinton. In the debates over the earlier GOP tax cuts, Democrats argued that the plans primarily benefited the rich and, by depleting federal revenues, would eventually force cuts in programs for average families. But by choosing to cut taxes and programs simultaneously, Republicans this year have eliminated any conjecture, allowing analysts to assess the plan's combined impact on families at different points on the income scale. Those analyses have returned a consistent verdict on the bill's winners and losers. Both the Congressional Budget Office and the budget model developed by the Wharton School at the University of Pennsylvania, found that families on the lowest rungs of the income ladder would lose more from the spending cuts than they would gain from the tax savings; the CBO calculated that most families earning up to about $76,000 annually would come out net losers from the bill. Middle-to upper middle-class families, both analyses found, would see relatively small net benefits. Only those at the top would see big gains: CBO calculated the top 10% of earners would average about $12,000 in additional annual income from the bill, while the Penn Wharton model found that the top 0.1% would net over $103,000 annually. Kogan said that no previous legislation careened to such extremes on both ends. He's calculated that compared with the 'One Big Beautiful Bill' the 1995 Gingrich budget sought deeper cuts in programs for the needy but didn't provide such generous tax breaks to the rich; the famous 1981 Reagan budget plan (which was separated into two bills) cut taxes more for the rich, but programs for the poor less. With bigger program cuts than Reagan and bigger tax cuts than Gingrich, Kogan says, this bill redistributes wealth up the income ladder more than either of them. When congressional Republicans previously married tax and spending cuts into a single bill did not end well for them. In that 1995 confrontation, Clinton won the battle for public opinion, reviving his foundering presidency and propelling him toward an easy reelection in 1996. Clinton prevailed by stressing the argument Democrats are echoing today: Republicans are cutting programs that benefit average Americans to fund tax cuts for the rich. As in 1995, the GOP budget plan is facing widespread public skepticism. Substantially more Americans said they opposed than supported the bill in recent national polls by the non-partisan Pew Research Center and KFF thinktank, as well as in Washington Post/Ipsos, Fox News, and Quinnipiac University surveys. Though the Senate is considering changes to the House-passed legislation, both bills are built around the same two pillars: extending the 2017 Trump tax cuts for all earners and offsetting that cost primarily by cutting federal spending on Medicaid and the Affordable Care Act. Both of those pillars stand on shaky ground with the public. In the Washington Post/Ipsos survey, a majority of Americans opposed extending the tax cuts for those earning over $400,000 annually. Both that survey and the KFF poll also found that significant majorities opposed health care cuts that would cause a significant rise in the uninsured. Only about 1 in 5 in the KFF poll said they expected the bill to help the middle-class; half thought it would hurt average families. The GOP's challenge in selling this package is even more complicated than in 1995 because of changes in their electoral coalition. Compared with that era, Republicans today are much more reliant on working-class voters without a four-year degree — not only the white voters in that category, but also increasingly the blue-collar minorities who provided Trump's most important gains in the 2024 election. That means many more GOP voters than in Gingrich's time rely on federal safety net programs. Looking at people who have purchased health care through the ACA, KFF found that more identify as Republicans than Democrats. Sixty-four House Republicans represent districts where the share of adults on Medicaid exceeds the national average. Republicans hold 13 Senate seats across the 20 states that have insured the most people under the Medicaid expansion funded by the ACA — which is the principal target for both the House and Senate cuts. Medicaid funding is especially critical to hospitals in rural areas, which now vote overwhelmingly Republican. Whit Ayres, a longtime Republican pollster, says that targeting federal health care programs for such large reductions dangerously ignores the changes in the GOP's electoral base since the days when fiscal hawks such as former House Speaker Paul Ryan set the party's fiscal agenda. 'The GOP coalition is dramatically different today than it was 10 years ago,' Ayres said. 'This looks like a bill that could have come out of a Paul Ryan House of Representatives rather than a Donald Trump House of Representatives.' Neera Tanden, the former chief domestic policy adviser for former President Joe Biden and now the president of the Center for American Progress, frames the mismatch even more starkly: 'Republicans are testing the proposition that there is nothing they can do to working class people to make them lose their support,' she said. Republicans may face particular vulnerability among the newest addition to their coalition: working-class minority voters without a college degree. The Washington Post/Ipsos, Pew and KFF polls all found them expressing much greater concern about the bill than non-college Whites, who have been more solidly cemented into the GOP base for decades. In the KFF poll, over four-fifths of minorities without a college degree said Medicaid was very important to their community and nearly three-fifths said it was very important to their own families — far more than the share of non-college Whites who said the same. In both the KFF and Pew surveys, more than three times as many of those blue-collar minorities said they expected the bill to hurt than to help them. Against all these headwinds, Republicans have some potentially potent responses. The White House has reportedly shared private polling with congressional Republicans showing support for the bill's measures to end taxes on tips and overtime, and is also urging them to stress the plan's provisions punishing states that provide Medicaid to undocumented immigrants. In the KFF poll, two-thirds of Americans backed a work requirement for able-bodied adults receiving Medicaid, another central component of the GOP plan. Most voters were likewise receptive to the GOP case that reducing Medicaid spending on those adults would save money for the elderly, low-income children and people with disabilities. Jason Cabel Roe, a Michigan-based Republican consultant, believes that it would have been better for the party to split the tax and spending cuts into separate bills, partly to make it harder for Democrats to link the two. But Roe believes public concern about the federal deficit and debt gives Republicans more leeway than Democrats believe to cut government programs — as long as the targets look justified. 'Our argument is we are going to get people off the dole who don't belong there … and if we are able to find the savings through that strategy, I think we can weather this line of attack from Democrats,' he said. 'If there are real stories of people losing their Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, Veterans benefits, then we have a problem .' Yet as KFF President Drew Altman wrote last week, the KFF poll also found that many voters were moved by Democratic counter-arguments, such as pointing out that most Medicaid recipients are already working, disabled, or caring for a family member. Gourevitch and other Democratic strategists believe the party's enduring advantage on health care — one of the few issues on which the public consistently expresses more confidence in Democrats than Republicans — will give an advantage to their candidates in any campaign exchanges over the bill. As Tanden pointed out, voters react to changes in health care policy more viscerally than most issues — a dynamic that has previously burned both parties. Revoking health insurance for millions of Americans would be a tough sell for the GOP at any point. But Republicans are creating a much more volatile compound by adding to the formula tax savings for the affluent that make the distribution of winners and losers in their plan unusually visible. 'They are playing with live bombs here,' Tanden said.

What to Expect in Markets This Week: May PCE Inflation, Powell Testimony, Fed Speakers, Earnings from Nike, FedEx, Micron
What to Expect in Markets This Week: May PCE Inflation, Powell Testimony, Fed Speakers, Earnings from Nike, FedEx, Micron

Yahoo

time7 hours ago

  • Yahoo

What to Expect in Markets This Week: May PCE Inflation, Powell Testimony, Fed Speakers, Earnings from Nike, FedEx, Micron

Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell will deliver testimony to Congress, while other Fed officials are also expected to speak at other events this week. The May PCE report will show whether the Fed's preferred measure of inflation continued its downward trend. FedEx, Nike and Micron are among the firms on the corporate earnings calendar. Investors will also watch for updates on existing home sales, consumer confidence and gross domestic Federal Reserve held interest rates steady last week. Now, Fed Chair Jerome Powell will explain the central bank's views on the economy to legislators when he delivers his regularly scheduled testimony to Congress this week. Central bankers have stood pat as they are concerned inflation will reignite in the wake of tariffs. The Personal Consumption Expenditures (PCE) for May should tell them more when it's released later in the week. Investors will also be watching for updates on first-quarter gross domestic product (GDP), housing market data, and the latest developments in consumer confidence. Earnings from shoe retailer Nike (NKE), package delivery service FedEx (FDX), and chipmaker Micron Technology (MU) come as corporations continue to assess the impact that tariffs could have on their operations. And Tesla's anticipated rollout of its self-driving robotaxi is likely to be on investors' minds this week. Read to the bottom for our calendar of key events—and one more thing. On the heels of last week's Federal Reserve meeting, Powell will testify before Congress to give lawmakers an update on the central bank's views on inflation and the economy. Powell is scheduled to testify before the House Financial Services Committee on Tuesday and the Senate Banking Committee on Wednesday. Several other Fed officials are also scheduled to deliver remarks during the week. The hearings could provide some market-moving moments, especially as political allies of President Donald Trump may take the opportunity to grill Powell. Trump has criticized Powell for the central bank's reluctance to lower interest rates, a complaint that could be echoed by some lawmakers. Trump has pointed to lower inflation rates as a reason for the Fed to lower rates. Market watchers will get another look at inflation on Friday with the release of the Personal Consumption Expenditures (PCE) report for May. PCE is important because it's the data the Fed looks at when gauging whether inflation is returning to its target rate of 2%. Inflation has been declining, with the PCE coming in just over the target rate in April. Athletic apparel giant Nike, a member of the Dow 30, will lead corporate earnings this week with its scheduled update on Thursday. The struggling shoe maker warned during its prior quarterly report that tariffs could impact the company, coming as it reported declines in revenue and earnings. But analysts said the recent merger of Dick's Sporting Goods (DKS) and Foot Locker (FL) could help Nike boost sales. FedEx scheduled earnings on Tuesday come as the shipping stalwart warned of lower revenue and profits during its prior quarterly report. Investors watch FedEx earnings because they can provide a view of shipping volumes, which in turn can offer insight into the overall health of the economy, and especially on global trade. Investors will also be watching Micron Technology's scheduled report on Wednesday, which comes after the chipmaker pledged a $200 billion investment to boost semiconductor production in the U.S. Tesla (TSLA) is tentatively scheduled to roll out its robotaxi service in Austin, Texas, on Sunday, June 22, though product updates have been delayed in the past. Expect Tesla's robotaxi to grab headlines and potentially move the EV maker's stock throughout the week, especially if Sunday's launch is delayed. Quick Links: Recap Last Week's Trading | Latest Markets News Monday, June 23 Existing home sales (May) Fed speakers: Federal Reserve Governors. Christopher Waller, Michelle Bowman, Adriana Kugler, New York Fed President John Williams, Chicago Fed President Austan Goolsbee Key Earnings: FactSet (FDS), Commercial Metals Company (CMC), and KB Home (KBH) More Data to Watch: S&P flash Purchasing Managers Index (PMI) (June) Tuesday, June 24 Consumer confidence (June) Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell testifies before the House Financial Services Committee Fed Speakers: Federal Reserve Gov. Michael Barr, New York Federal Reserve President John Williams, Boston Fed President Susan Collins, Cleveland Fed President Beth Hammack Key Earnings: FedEx, Carnival (CCL), TD Synnex (SNX), and AeroVironment (AVAV) More Data to Watch: S&P Case-Shiller home price index (April) Wednesday, June 25 New home sales (May) Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell testifies before Senate Banking Committee Key Earnings: Micron, Paychex (PAYX), General Mills (GIS) and Jeffries (JEF) Thursday, June 26 Pending home sales (May) Fed Speakers: Federal Reserve Gov. Michael Barr. Cleveland Fed President Beth Hammack and Richmond Fed President Tom Barkin Key Earnings: Nike, McCormick (MKC), Walgreens Boots Alliance (WBA) and Acuity (AYI) More Data to Watch: Gross domestic product (GDP) - second revision (Q1), durable-goods orders (May), initial jobless claims (Week ending June 21), advanced U.S. trade balance (May), advanced retail inventories (May), and advanced wholesale inventories (May) Friday, June 27 Personal Consumption Expenditures (May) Fed Speakers: Federal Reserve Gov. Lisa Cook and Cleveland Fed President Beth Hammack Key Earnings: Apogee Enterprises (APOG) More Data to Watch: Consumer sentiment - final (June) The U.S. has a lot of millionaires and is adding 1,000 more every day, more than anywhere else in the world. Investopedia's Nisha Gopalan looked at wealth creation in both the U.S. and around the globe. Read more about it here. Read the original article on Investopedia Error in retrieving data Sign in to access your portfolio Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store