From piety to proxy war: How General Munir embodies Pakistan's military-jihadi complex

Rawalpindi is facing a crisis, with rumours, talk of coups and General Munir's influence, all tied to its long history read more
Few days back there were rumours circulating on social media about General Asim Munir 's possible arrest or ouster within Pakistan's military establishment, reflecting internal dissent or power struggles. As circumstances have unfolded of late in Pakistan, the country definitely needs a coup against General Munir. The puppet Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif can be dealt with later.
General Munir's religious profile
General Munir , the Chief of the Pakistan Army and a devout Muslim , is an Islamic scholar. His mastery over The Koran is perhaps enviable to many a Muslim who perhaps aspire such depth of knowledge of the holy scripture. But the problem is in what way is he using his vast knowledge on The Koran.
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What virtue will he achieve when he leaves his legacy as one of the jihadi generals of Pakistan? Pakistan has no dearth of such figures. Several senior Pakistani military figures have been notably associated with allegations of supporting or enabling jihadist groups as part of broader strategic objectives.
Precedents of military-jihadi symbiosis
General Zia ul Haq: 'Maulvi' who put faith in arms
General Zia ul Haq, who ruled Pakistan as the head of the government, from 1977 to 1988 is considered as the original proponent of the policy of using faith to feed terrorism. A devout Muslim who saw Islam as the panacea for Pakistan's ills as well as the glue to hold the nation together, he was also referred to as 'Maulvi Zia-ul-Haq' by some in Pakistani military circles.
What he did was to create multiple terror outfits on brigade lines, a policy that came to be known as Islamisation or Shariaisation of the Pakistan state, which had maintained somewhat secular credentials until that point of time.
Zia changed the Pakistan Army's motto from MA Jinnah's 'Unity, Faith, and Discipline' to 'Faith, Piety, and Jihad for the sake of Allah'. He made Islamic prayers and studies mandatory and presided over the proliferation of religious seminaries with fundamentalism as the core driving force. He encouraged the Jamaat-e-Islami and Islamic revivalist group Tablighi Jamaat to spread their ideas among the soldiers.
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This is where began Pakistan's proxy war of terrorism against India, a policy Zia saw as a means to 'bleed India by a thousand cuts' because his country could not match India's might in the battlefield.
General Hamid Gul: 'Godfather of the Taliban'
General Hamid Gul, who served as Pakistan military's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) chief from 1987 to 1989, is perhaps the most emblematic of this trend. Often referred to by critics as the 'Godfather of the Taliban,' Gul openly supported jihadist elements in both Afghanistan and Jammu and Kashmir. He did not shy away from praising jihad as a strategic tool to achieve Pakistan's regional goals, particularly against India.
General Pervez Musharraf: Double game
General Pervez Musharraf, Pakistan's Army chief and the country's president from 1999 to 2008, outwardly allied with the United States following the 9/11 attacks. However, he has been accused of duplicity—allowing safe havens for groups like the Taliban while simultaneously receiving Western support. The Kargil war and ongoing support for the Kashmir insurgency unfolded during his tenure, adding to suspicions of state-sponsored militancy.
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General Kayani and the 'dual track' policy
General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, who led the army from 2007 to 2013 and previously headed the ISI, was seen as a key figure in maintaining Pakistan's 'dual-track' policy: targeting some militants while shielding others.
His tenure saw increasing criticism from the United States, particularly over Pakistan's failure to act against the Haqqani Network, which was blamed for deadly attacks on US and the Nato forces in Afghanistan.
Lt General Shuja Pasha and the bin Laden debacle
Lt Gen Ahmad Shuja Pasha, the ISI chief from 2008 to 2012, came under intense scrutiny following the U.S. raid in Abbottabad that killed Osama bin Laden. Under his leadership, the ISI was accused of harbouring high-profile militants, leading to deteriorating trust between Washington and Islamabad during a critical period of the 'War on Terror'.
General Bajwa: Moderate image, questionable actions
General Qamar Javed Bajwa, who served as Army chief from 2016 to 2022, was often portrayed as more moderate compared to his predecessors. Yet, during his leadership, extremist political groups such as Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) were allowed to operate and expand influence. He was also accused of political engineering, including manipulating elections and tolerating extremist rhetoric to maintain the military's grip over civilian politics.
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These generals represent different shades of a long-standing pattern within segments of the Pakistani military establishment—balancing international alliances with internal strategies that have, at times, involved leveraging Islamist militancy for strategic depth.
General Munir vs Hafiz Saeed: Where's the difference?
Apart from his uniform, in what way is General Munir different from say someone like Hafiz Saeed, the founder of Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), in any capacity? Both are killing machines of innocents although operating in a different manner but the ultimate goal is the same – the end of India.
India is no longer fighting a secessionist war in Kashmir, it is fighting Islamic fanatics in the garb of separatists who ultimately want to establish a Caliphate. Hafiz Saeed is 74 years old and although it might sound very outrageous General Munir by dint of his inclination and nature of his conduct could well replace him after retirement.
Piety or politicisation of faith?
Leading Pakistan's military since November 2022, General Munir is known for his conservative religious views and has held significant positions, including Director-General of Military Intelligence and the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). It is under his watch that Pakistani military officials attended funerals of individuals linked to terrorist activities.
The charge of politicisation of piety as prescribed in faith stems from his repeated affirmations of the two-nation theory, which is often viewed as a justification for religious differences and division, and his alleged suppression of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf party led by Imran Khan.
Munir has publicly reiterated his belief in the two-nation theory, which posits that Muslims and Hindus are separate nations. This was the original premise on which Jinnah unleashed communal violence in an undivided India, giving the British an opportunity to divide India. Since then this theory, though rejected by scholars and historians, has been used to justify the creation of Pakistan and has been a source of tension and persecution of Hindus and other minorities in Pakistan.
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Violence in Pahalgam
A deadly incident in the town of Pahalgam on April 22, which resulted in 26 fatalities — 25 tourists including one from Nepal and a local pony-ride operator who tried to snatch the assault from one of the terrorists — sparked widespread outrage and renewed scrutiny of a senior Pakistani military figure, General Asim Munir.
Just days before the attack, Munir delivered a contentious address emphasising Pakistan's claim over Kashmir by invoking emotionally charged historical rhetoric. Observers have drawn a connection between his inflammatory remarks and the subsequent eruption of violence. Munir, who previously led Pakistan's intelligence agency during the 2019 Pulwama tragedy, has also been accused by ex-military officer Adil Raja of orchestrating the Pahalgam assault to advance his own political agenda.
General Munir, however, might have underestimated India's retaliation, prompting his DGMO to beg India for de-escalation. This came after India's serious military response in the form of Operation Sindoor, and a clear message that 'Asim Munir will not be given a face-saver exit'.
Criticism at home
Within Pakistan, General Munir faces growing dissatisfaction over his alleged interference in civilian affairs. He has come under fire for targeting political rivals, particularly the PTI party led by former prime minister Imran Khan.
The military, under his watch, is accused of detaining civilians connected to the May 9 unrest and subjecting them to trials in military courts—a controversial move that has intensified accusations of authoritarianism.
Khan has openly claimed that Munir not only violated previously agreed-upon boundaries between the military and civilian leadership but also engaged in plotting acts of political sabotage, including attempts on his life.
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Cracks within the ranks
General Munir's leadership has faced dissent within the Pakistan Army, including forced retirements of senior officers and calls from junior officers for his resignation, partly due to failures in security and handling of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).
International condemnation
A US lawmaker, Ro Khanna, urged punitive measures against Munir, accusing him of harassing relatives of individuals advocating for democratic reforms. Experts such as Michael Kugelman have expressed concern that Munir's prolonged leadership is deepening the military's dominance while weakening democratic institutions. Commentator Michael Rubin went so far as to liken Munir to a terrorist figure, drawing parallels to Osama bin Laden in the wake of the Pahalgam incident.
Munir and the militarisation of Islam
General Munir is another example in Pakistan's long history of army leaders who are linked to extremist ideas and interfering too much in politics. Even though he appears to be a religious man and an Islamic scholar, his proximity to terror chiefs operating from Pakistan is well known.
From generals like Zia-ul-Haq to Hamid Gul, the pattern has been clear: using religious extremism as a tool to stay in power and go after political goals, especially against India. Munir's time as army chief has made things worse—with reports of repression inside Pakistan, support for terrorist activities and rising unrest within the army itself.

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