Bill to create a Texas Homeland Security Division passes state Senate
The Texas Senate on Thursday approved a proposal that would create a homeland security division within the state's Department of Public Safety to focus on immigration enforcement, organized crime and protecting the state's infrastructure from security risks.
If passed into law, Senate Bill 36 would make Texas' immigration enforcement efforts a permanent part of the state's criminal justice system. SB 36, which passed in the Senate on a 26-4 vote, will now go before the state House of Representatives.
For the past four years, Texas legislators have plowed more than $11 billion into Operation Lone Star, Gov. Greg Abbott's ongoing border crackdown that deployed state police and Texas National Guard along the state's nearly 1,300 miles of border with Mexico.
OLS, launched shortly after Joe Biden's presidency began, also paid to build sections of border wall, deploy miles of razor wire along the Rio Grande and open facilities to house National Guard troops and process apprehended migrants.
After peaking at the end of 2023, migrant apprehensions at the border began to drop last year after Biden created programs that allowed people to enter the U.S. legally and have reached historically small numbers since President Trump took office and shut down asylum claims by migrants.
But even more enforcement is needed, said state Sen. Tan Parker, R-Flower Mound, the bill's sponsor. He added that the state needs its own homeland security office because it would 'safeguard our border, our residents and our economic engines.
'It strikes the right balance between providing for our security and respecting the roles of our local and federal partners,' Parker said.
Some Democrats questioned why the state needs its own Homeland Security Division if the federal Department of Homeland Security is already responsible for protecting the country's infrastructure and curtailing illegal immigration.
'Are everyday Texans the target of these folks, or who is the target of this new Homeland Security Division?' asked Sen. José Menendez, D-San Antonio.
Parker said the intent is not to create more policing of Texas residents but to centralize the Department of Public Safety's functions into one division that could help streamline intelligence.
Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick designated SB 36 among his top priorities for the legislative session.
'By creating a Homeland Security Division within DPS, we can centralize vital homeland security operations within DPS, resulting in a better prepared and protected Texas,' Patrick said in a statement after the bill was passed.
According to a fiscal report on the bill, SB 36 would allow the state to hire 23 full time employees for the new division, which could cost $7 million by August 2027.
Tickets are on sale now for the 15th annual Texas Tribune Festival, Texas' breakout ideas and politics event happening Nov. 13–15 in downtown Austin. Get tickets before May 1 and save big! TribFest 2025 is presented by JPMorganChase.
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San Francisco Chronicle
an hour ago
- San Francisco Chronicle
GOP tax bill would ease regulations on gun silencers and some rifles and shotguns
WASHINGTON (AP) — The massive tax and spending cuts package that President Donald Trump wants on his desk by July 4 would loosen regulations on gun silencers and certain types of rifles and shotguns, advancing a longtime priority of the gun industry as Republican leaders in the House and Senate try to win enough votes to pass the bill. The guns provision was first requested in the House by Georgia Rep. Andrew Clyde, a Republican gun store owner who had initially opposed the larger tax package. The House bill would remove silencers — called 'suppressors' by the gun industry — from a 1930s law that regulates firearms that are considered the most dangerous, eliminating a $200 tax while removing a layer of background checks. The Senate kept the provision on silencers in its version of the bill and expanded upon it, adding short-barreled, or sawed-off, rifles and shotguns. Republicans who have long supported the changes, along with the gun industry, say the tax infringes on Second Amendment rights. They say silencers are mostly used by hunters and target shooters for sport. 'Burdensome regulations and unconstitutional taxes shouldn't stand in the way of protecting American gun owners' hearing,' said Clyde, who owns two gun stores in Georgia and often wears a pin shaped like an assault rifle on his suit lapel. Democrats are fighting to stop the provision, which was unveiled days after two Minnesota state legislators were shot in their homes, as the bill speeds through the Senate. They argue that loosening regulations on silencers could make it easier for criminals and active shooters to conceal their weapons. 'Parents don't want silencers on their streets, police don't want silencers on their streets,' said Senate Democratic leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y. The gun language has broad support among Republicans and has received little attention as House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., and Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., work to settle differences within the party on cuts to Medicaid and energy tax credits, among other issues. But it is just one of hundreds of policy and spending items included to entice members to vote for the legislation that could have broad implications if the bill is enacted within weeks, as Trump wants. Inclusion of the provision is also a sharp turn from the climate in Washington just three years ago when Democrats, like Republicans now, controlled Congress and the White House and pushed through bipartisan gun legislation. The bill increased background checks for some buyers under the age of 21, made it easier to take firearms from potentially dangerous people and sent millions of dollars to mental health services in schools. Passed in the summer of 2022, just weeks after the shooting of 19 children and two adults at a school in Uvalde, Texas, it was the most significant legislative response to gun violence in decades. Three years later, as they try to take advantage of their consolidated power in Washington, Republicans are packing as many of their longtime priorities as possible, including the gun legislation, into the massive, wide-ranging bill that Trump has called 'beautiful." 'I'm glad the Senate is joining the House to stand up for the Second Amendment and our Constitution, and I will continue to fight for these priorities as the Senate works to pass President Trump's One Big Beautiful Bill,' said Texas Sen. John Cornyn, who was one of the lead negotiators on the bipartisan gun bill in 2022 but is now facing a primary challenge from the right in his bid for reelection next year. If the gun provisions remain in the larger legislation and it is passed, silencers and the short-barrel rifles and shotguns would lose an extra layer of regulation that they are subject to under the National Firearms Act, passed in the 1930s in response to concerns about mafia violence. They would still be subject to the same regulations that apply to most other guns — and that includes possible loopholes that allow some gun buyers to avoid background checks when guns are sold privately or online. Larry Keane of the National Shooting Sports Foundation, who supports the legislation, says changes are aimed at helping target shooters and hunters protect their hearing. He argues that the use of silencers in violent crimes is rare. 'All it's ever intended to do is to reduce the report of the firearm to hearing safe levels,' Keane says. Speaking on the floor before the bill passed the House, Rep. Clyde said the bill restores Second Amendment rights from 'over 90 years of draconian taxes.' Clyde said Johnson included his legislation in the larger bill 'with the purest of motive.' 'Who asked for it? I asked,' said Clyde, who ultimately voted for the bill after the gun silencer provision was added. Clyde was responding to Rep. Maxwell Frost, a 28-year-old Florida Democrat, who went to the floor and demanded to know who was responsible for the gun provision. Frost, who was a gun-control activist before being elected to Congress, called himself a member of the 'mass shooting generation' and said the bill would help 'gun manufacturers make more money off the death of children and our people.' 'There's a reason silencers have been regulated for nearly a century: They make it much harder for law enforcement and bystanders to react quickly to gunshots,' said John Feinblatt, president of Everytown for Gun Safety. Schumer and other Democrats are trying to convince the Senate parliamentarian to drop the language as she reviews the bill for policy provisions that aren't budget-related. 'Senate Democrats will fight this provision at the parliamentary level and every other level with everything we've got,' Schumer said earlier this month.

an hour ago
President Lee picks South Korea's first civilian defense chief in 64 years
SEOUL, South Korea -- South Korean President Lee Jae Myung nominated a five-term liberal lawmaker as defense minister Monday, breaking with a tradition of appointing retired military generals. The announcement came as several prominent former defense officials, including ex-Defense Minister Kim Yong Hyun, face high-profile criminal trials over their roles in carrying out martial law last year under then-President Yoon Suk Yeol, who was indicted on rebellion charges and removed from office. Ahn Gyu-back, a lawmaker from Lee's Democratic Party, has served on the National Assembly's defense committee and chaired a legislative panel that investigated the circumstances surrounding Yoon's martial law decree. Yoon's authoritarian move involved deploying hundreds of heavily armed troops to the National Assembly and election commission offices in what prosecutors described as an illegal attempt to shut down the legislature and arrest political opponents and election officials. That sparked calls to strengthen civilian control over the military, and Lee promised during his election campaign to appoint a defense minister with a civilian background. Since a 1961 coup that brought military dictator Park Chung-hee to power, all of South Korea's defense ministers have come from the military — a trend that continued even after the country's democratization in the late 1980s. While Ahn will face a legislative hearing, the process is likely to be a formality, since the Democrats hold a comfortable majority in the National Assembly and legislative consent isn't required for Lee to appoint him. Among Cabinet appointments, Lee only needs legislative consent for prime minister, Seoul's nominal No. 2 job. 'As the first civilian Minister of National Defense in 64 years, he will be responsible for leading and overseeing the transformation of the military after its mobilization in martial law,' Kang Hoon-sik, Lee's chief of staff, said in a briefing. Ahn was among 11 ministers nominated by Lee on Monday, with longtime diplomat Cho Hyun selected as foreign minister and five-term lawmaker Chung Dong-young returning for another stint as unification minister — a position he held from 2004 to 2005 as Seoul's point man for relations with North Korea.


Politico
an hour ago
- Politico
Legal dramas would trail Andrew Cuomo to City Hall
NEW YORK — A thicket of court cases and a legal strategy that silences critics will follow Andrew Cuomo into City Hall if he's elected mayor of the nation's largest city. Playing out against the backdrop of the heated New York City Democratic primary that Cuomo has dominated for months is his aggressive legal maneuvering as he continues to deny any wrongdoing in the scandals that pushed him from office. The frontrunner and former New York governor is embroiled in several lawsuits, including two filed by women — a former member of his State Police security detail and an ex-aide — who accused him of sexual harassment. Cuomo signaled his intention to file a defamation suit against a third woman, former aide and accuser Charlotte Bennett. The move came as Cuomo was preparing to enter the mayoral race last year; Bennett described it as effectively muzzling her from talking about her experience. Cuomo's legal tactics have included seeking Bennett's gynecological and therapist records, which his attorney Rita Glavin called a 'pro forma request' made at the direction of a psychiatric expert due to the damages being sought. Glavin said she'd have offered a fulsome response, but is limited by a confidentiality order enforced by Bennett's attorneys. In a separate case filed by former aide Brittany Commisso, Cuomo's attorneys subpoenaed communications with her ex-husband, an Albany politician, that her attorney argued have nothing to do with the case. The ex-governor's legal team has insisted these demands are routine and necessary to mount a robust defense. Complicating matters further for Cuomo, he is reportedly under investigation by the Trump administration after House Republicans referred him for prosecution after accusing him of lying to a Congressional panel investigating his Covid-era policies, a claim he's denied. Cuomo says he's yet to be contacted by the DOJ and has called the probe politically motivated, even though Democrats also raised concerns about his testimony. Taken together, the legal cases surrounding the former governor paint a picture of someone acclimating to the job of running New York City while defending himself in two lawsuits, pursuing a third and potentially responding to a federal investigation. It all comes as he seeks to turn the page on the scandals that led to his political downfall four years ago, with an electoral comeback that would belie the ongoing legal machinations that blossomed following his resignation. The dynamic calls to mind the legal woes of Mayor Eric Adams, whose corruption charges were dismissed after the Democrat cozied up to President Donald Trump. Adams' closeness to the Republican president further tarnished his standing with voters, leading him to forgo seeking the Democratic nomination and run as an independent in November. Cuomo critics assert the legal dramas would hinder his management of the city and create a dynamic similar to the one that has dogged Adams. 'It would take away Cuomo's ability to govern,' Assemblymember Jessica Gonzalez-Rojas said. 'It's why Eric Adams is deeply compromised. We don't need one scandal-ridden mayor replaced with another.' The ex-governor's attorneys have pounced on criticism of him as he attempts his political comeback. Lawyers have admonished their counterparts in harassment lawsuits from publicizing that Cuomo has leveraged a state law to have taxpayers cover his attorneys' fees in some cases, warning that such criticism is 'prejudicing Governor Cuomo's right to a fair trial.' Taxpayers spent $20.3 million to defend Cuomo and several former advisors in three sexual harassment lawsuits, according to a recent tally by the state comptroller's office. Efforts to suppress criticism have crossed into his mayoral bid. His campaign attorney in May sent a 'cease-and-desist' notice to a union backing one of Cuomo's rivals for making inaccurate claims in a political flyer. Some of the notice's concerns — an accusation that the ex-governor is no 'friend' of working people — are standard campaign rhetoric. Cuomo spokesperson Rich Azzopardi pointed to efforts by the Trump administration to investigate or arrest prominent Democrats, including California Gov. Gavin Newsom, New York Gov. Kathy Hochul and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer while opening an investigation into New York Attorney General Letitia James. State lawmakers approved a $10 million pot of money for James' legal bills, he noted. 'Pretending like this nonsense is somehow a different situation is silly and disingenuous,' Azzopardi said. 'Trump will try this with anyone who — unlike Mayor Adams — refuses to bend the knee. These are serious times and New Yorkers know Andrew Cuomo is the only candidate who has the experience and the record of results to fix what's broken and put the city back on the right track.' The former governor has insisted as mayor he would not be beholden to Trump and is best suited to negotiate with the mercurial president given their decades of shared history. He said the allegations against him — sexually harassing 11 women as determined by the state attorney general's report — were 'all political.' The former governor during a televised debate said the allegations never translated to criminal cases, rather 'political fodder for my opponents.' 'Four years later, we've had five district attorneys — Democrat, Republicans, upstate, downstate — nothing has come of them whatsoever,' Cuomo said during the debate. 'There has been one civil case that's been resolved,' he added in reference to Bennett withdrawing her lawsuit last year. 'I was dropped from the case.' Cuomo's scandals have not dented his mayoral prospects, and his rivals have failed to capitalize on the controversies. He entered the race on March 1 and instantly became the leading candidate for the party's nomination after weeks of privately sewing the perception that his victory would be inevitable. But there is some sense his scandals are not far from voters' minds, given his otherwise high negatives, even as most polls show him winning the race. Candidate Zohran Mamdani, however, is gaining on Cuomo in polls, and early voting returns show an increase in participation from younger voters likely to back the 33-year-old democratic socialist Mamdani over the former governor. On Saturday, Cuomo foe Brad Lander appeared with Bennett and several others who accused the ex-governor of harassment, along with a man whose father, a nursing home resident, died of Covid. At least two sexual harassment lawsuits stand to follow Cuomo into City Hall. Commisso sued him in November 2023 after she alleged Cuomo groped her at the governor's mansion. Court papers show Cuomo would sit for a deposition as late as December — weeks before the inauguration of the city's next mayor. Another suit filed by a woman known as Trooper 1 is not expected to conclude this year. As he prepared to run, Cuomo's attorneys moved to sue Bennett, a former administration aide who first accused him of sexual harassment in 2021, claiming she defamed him when making her claims public. Bennett only days earlier dropped her own sexual harassment lawsuit against the ex-governor. Going on the offensive, Cuomo's legal team asserted Bennett's allegations were a key factor in his eventual downfall. 'Bennett's false allegations materially contributed to a cascade of harm to Governor Cuomo,' attorneys for the former governor wrote in an initial court filing. 'Among other things, the false accusations she publicized in the national media were a significant factor in calls for an investigation into Governor Cuomo's conduct.' Cuomo last week did not answer a reporter's questions over whether he would pursue a defamation case against Bennett if elected mayor. Bennett responded on X: 'There have been a lot of discussions about my gynecological records and yet barely any mention of the fact that I STILL am not safe to discuss this personal experience publicly.' Her attorney did not return messages seeking comment. The defamation maneuver stunned advocates for survivors and reinvigorated a push by state lawmakers to pass a law that would make it harder for people accused of sexual harassment to file such cases. The effect of a defamation suit, though, could be far-reaching for Cuomo's potential tenure in City Hall. 'It sets a highly concerning tone for what New York stands for. Imagine how terrifying that would be with him coming back — what does that do to an ordinary person who may come forward?' said Victoria Burke, a California-based privacy attorney who crafted legislation meant to limit defamation suits like the one Cuomo filed against Bennett. 'It would have a chilling effect on anyone who comes forward. He's powerful, he's back, he's not remorseful.' Glavin, the Cuomo attorney, said: 'Everyone is entitled to due process and has the right to defend themself, particularly against demonstrably false allegations.' The Bennett lawsuit, she said, 'fell apart' due to requests for text and video messages 'that disproved her claims' which investigators did not obtain. 'Bennett's claims were virtually worthless, which is why the state eventually agreed to a nuisance settlement. Commisso's lawsuit is headed in the exact same direction — like Bennett, Commisso also withheld from investigators dozens of texts that gut her allegations, which is why her lawyers are now engaged in legal maneuvering to avoid Commisso having to sit for a deposition,' Glavin said. She continued: 'Trooper 1's case — which the New York State Police are also defending against — is likewise in tatters. What you cite are nothing more than routine, pro forma discovery requests that any defendant would make. Moreover, none of these cases involve an order preventing any complainant from talking publicly. If anyone is worried about a defamation claim, it must be because they know their allegations are false. ' Cuomo initially expressed regret when Bennett first came forward in 2021 to describe how the then-governor would ask questions about her personal relationships and sex life while telling her he was lonely. Looking directly into the camera during one of his Covid briefings that shot him to national stardom, Cuomo apologized if he made anyone feel uncomfortable. Out of office, Cuomo has denied any wrongdoing. In legal filings, his attorneys are taking a forceful posture, which extends to lawyers representing the women. Less than a week after Cuomo announced his mayoral campaign, in a letter to the court, Glavin blasted Commisso lawyer Mariann Wang for calling the ex-governor 'an unrepentant sexual harasser' as 'defamatory.' Criticizing Cuomo for receiving taxpayer assistance to defend himself would hurt his chances for a fair trial, Glavin wrote. 'There is nothing improper about Governor Cuomo receiving the state funded defense to which he is entitled to under the law,' Glavin wrote. 'Yet, Ms. Wang seeks to weaponize that fact and taint public opinion by calling Governor Cuomo's appropriate and routine discovery efforts 'vindictive.'' Wang responded that Cuomo would 'surely like' to prevent accusers from speaking about him but 'unfortunately for him, the First Amendment does not allow for such prior restraints on core political speech.'