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Arson attack on Pennsylvania governor's home evokes trauma for state's Jews

Arson attack on Pennsylvania governor's home evokes trauma for state's Jews

Yahoo17-04-2025

HARRISBURG, Pa. (AP) — A year ago, Carole Zawatsky was invited by Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro to a Passover Seder, held in the same room at the governor's official residence that was devastated by an arsonist just hours after Shapiro hosted this year's Jewish holiday feast.
Now, as she looks at photos of the destruction, Zawatsky can envision where she had been seated and how deadly the attack could have been.
Like many others, Zawatsky is cautiously awaiting word from investigators about the motivations of the attacker, which are clouded by hints of erratic behavior as well as statements from his past.
Still, the attack hit the Jewish community hard in a state where such pain is achingly familiar. It targeted Pennsylvania's religiously observant Jewish governor in the very place where just hours before he had hosted one of the central rituals of the Jewish calendar.
Zawatsky heads a Pittsburgh organization formed to counter antisemitism and memorialize the victims of another Pennsylvania assault – the murders of 11 worshippers from three congregations at the Tree of Life synagogue more than six years ago, the deadliest antisemitic attack in U.S. history.
'Seeing those images is deeply traumatic,' said Zawatsky, CEO of The Tree of Life, the group established in the wake of the Oct. 27, 2018 killings. 'It's not too much to ask that we all live in a country where we celebrate our faith without fear.'
A murkier picture emerges on motive
The synagogue shooting trial revealed that the gunman, who was convicted and sentenced to death, had long been steeped in antisemitism and methodically carried out the attack.
In the Harrisburg case, things are less clear. Investigators have released only fragments of what Balmer told them. His relatives say he has struggled with mental illness, and his lawyers suggested Wednesday that will be central to their defense.
'We have no definitive information about this person's motive," Zawatsky said. "We do know that there was certainly hate involved.'
Pennsylvania State Police said 38-year-old Cody Balmer confessed to the attack, harbored hatred for the governor and said he planned to beat Shapiro with a hammer.
'BALMER identified himself by name and related that Governor Josh SHAPIRO needs to know that he '...will not take part in his plans for what he wants to do to the Palestinian people,'' police wrote as part of applications for search warrants. Exactly who and what that meant were unclear in the documents.
Senate Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer of New York on Thursday called on the Justice Department to determine whether the attack qualifies as a federal hate crime.
Audrey Glickman, a survivor of the 2018 attack and a member of Tree of Life Congregation, said she admired Shapiro's composure, just hours after the attack, and his emphatic denunciaton of hatred regardless of motivation.
'It takes a while to realize you've been attacked and what to make of it,' Glickman said. She admired 'how he stood up right away and spoke strongly about it.'
Shapiro responded to the scene of the 2018 Pittsburgh attack as Pennsylvania's then-attorney general. As governor, he took part in the 2024 groundbreaking for a new building to replace the synagogue, including a memorial, programming and other exhibits aimed to counter antisemitism.
Reminders of an overheated political climate
About 200 people participated in a somber march Wednesday night in Harrisburg. They walked from the parking lot of a synagogue to the governor's residence, where they held a multifaith prayer vigil across the street.
Several marchers connected the attack to the overheated political climate.
'To deny it is like putting your head in the sand,' said retired Presbyterian minister Don Potter, 75, of Dillsburg, who said the images of the building's interior with fire damage 'made me sick.'
Enid Wassner, a retired child care worker from Hershey, said the fact that the firebombing occurring during Passover and targeted Shapiro and his family was 'extremely worrying.' She noted that Jewish institutions and buildings in Harrisburg have had to increase security.
'Gradually things have been getting more worrisome, for me personally and the entire Jewish community."
Questions emerge about attacker's mental state
Police said in court affidavits that in an interview with detectives Balmer 'admitted to harboring hatred towards' Shapiro and referred to the Palestinian people in a 911 call attributed to him that was placed shortly after the break-in.
Balmer's mother and brother have said he suffered from bipolar disorder and would not consistently take medication. His brother, Dan Balmer, said Cody Balmer twice in recent years spent time in a psychiatric hospital in Harrisburg. During a court hearing on Monday, Balmer denied any history of mental illness.
Dan Balmer told the AP on Tuesday that Cody Balmer 'had these theories that were going on in his head' and became angry when family members would tell him his views didn't reflect reality.
'The allegations, if true, demonstrate the devastating consequences of severe mental illness,' Mary Klatt, the chief public defender in Dauphin County, whose office is representing Balmer, said Wednesday. She said his preliminary hearing would be delayed to determine whether Balmer is mentally competent to stand trial.
Identity moves to forefront for Shapiro
Shapiro declined to talk about the attacker's motive on Wednesday, saying prosecutors will ultimately determine what drove him.
'It's not for me to answer that,' he said.
The governor has publicly criticized Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's government and the nature of Israel's military action in Gaza, but also has backed Israel's right to defend itself from Hamas.
Hank Butler, executive director of the Pennsylvania Jewish Coalition, said Shapiro's focus has been Pennsylvania and not the Palestinian people.
'To say that our governor wishes the worst on the Palestinian people is not welcomed here,' Butler said. 'It is not justified, absolutely not justified -- no attack is justified.'
Shapiro has won statewide races three times in a crucial battleground state. He was a finalist to be Vice President Kamala Harris's running mate in last year's presidential campaign and is considered a potential 2028 Democratic candidate for president.
The attack once again puts his identity front and center. When Harris picked Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz over Shapiro, Republicans tried to cast the pick as a snub to Jewish voters.
Rabbi Rick Jacobs, president of the Union for Reform Judaism, an umbrella group for more than 800 Reform congregations in North America, connected the attack to Shapiro's identity.
'He's also someone who is a strong supporter of Israel,' Jacobs said of Shapiro. "Are those things that put your life at risk in the 21st century?'
Zawatsky, the Tree of Life CEO, noted that in the Passover ritual, Jews are instructed not just to recite the story of their ancient forebears' liberation from slavery but to envision themselves as having experienced it – something that feels especially poignant now. Whether law enforcement officials ultimately settle on a definitive conclusion about what motivated last weekend's attack, she and others already know what living in fear feels like.
'It's very sad to think we pass along the inherited trauma of the fear of antisemitism, but never did I think we would be a generation that would have the lived experience of this kind of violent antisemitism,' she said.
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Associated Press religion coverage receives support through the AP's collaboration with The Conversation US, with funding from Lilly Endowment Inc. The AP is solely responsible for this content.
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Smith reported from Pittsburgh and Cooper from Phoenix.

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Mamdani's thin governmental record allows for the ultimate test of whether Democrats are willing to move toward energetic fresh faces with minimal experience. He was elected as a true outsider in 2020. Prior to winning office, he had only made two visits to the Capitol, both for housing advocacy. Due to Covid, candidates running that year got far less scrutiny than in any modern New York election — there were no public events, state politics was overshadowed by a presidential race, and the Albany press corps was focused on Cuomo's pandemic briefings. The Zoom-era timing also meant Mamdani didn't engage in the typical bonding and glad-handing with new legislative colleagues. 'There's no equivalent of getting in an elevator with somebody,' he said in a 2021 interview. 'Virtual also creates a lot more of a conduit for tension versus in-person, because you're able to understand the humanity of someone a little bit more than when they're just a little square on the screen.' His promise to legislate with an 'understanding that the status quo has failed us' — and, perhaps, his lack of immersion into the system as a freshman — have kept him an outsider among Albany's Democrats. Mamdani's status on the fringes was highlighted by a bill he introduced in 2023 that would ban New York charities from supporting Israeli settlers. The backlash was swift: Assembly leadership immediately dubbed it a 'non-starter,' a rarity in a legislative body whose leaders usually wait for internal party discussions before weighing in. Twenty-five of his fellow Democrats released a letter condemning the measure as designed to 'antagonize pro-Israel New Yorkers.' The democratic socialist was aware at the time that his break with the tradition of New York politicians offering full-throated support for Israel would indeed antagonize his colleagues — and it's a subject that's continued to lead to tensions, with fellow members quick to point out actions like his failure to endorse a resolution condemning the Holocaust. He characterized the charity bill as an attempt to plant seeds for a longer-term fight. 'The simple act of introducing this legislation [helps] change the calculus,' Mamdani said at the time. But mayors don't get to spend as much time focused on the long haul — if garbage isn't being picked up on time, most New Yorkers won't be too satisfied if City Hall promises a solution in a decade. And when it comes to the type of negotiating a mayor needs to engage in to win approval for their priorities in Albany or the City Council, his record is scant. Mamdami's biggest achievements have come outside the regular legislative process. He played a major role in taxi drivers' successful 2021 push for debt relief. He helped win a pilot program for free bus rides — now a central plank in his mayoral campaign — but kiboshed its renewal when he cast a protest vote against last year's budget, rather than play ball with his colleagues and take the win. He also points to his support for a 2023 law that lets the state build its own green energy plants. 'That's not my legislation. The passage of it is not considered a bill that I have passed,' Mamdani said recently. 'I spent so much of my time fighting for it because I knew that, were we to pass it, we could actually take a real step towards taking on the climate crisis. And I think too often, much of our work in politics is focused on ensuring that you receive credit for the work that you do.' Despite his opinion, his lack of clearly delineated achievements has provided opponents with a ready-made cudgel. Cuomo has hammered Mamdani for passing only three laws in his time as an Assemblymember. That's the 235th highest total since he took office in a Legislature in which 213 members serve at a time. That apparent lack of productivity stems at least in part from the fact that he's a rank-and-file member in a legislative body where more than 100 Democrats want their bills prioritized. 'It's a pretty common experience for many legislators in their first few years in the Assembly or Senate to pass very few bills,' former Assemblymember Dick Gottfried said. Gottfried said assessing a lawmaker through the number of bills they approve isn't a great barometer of how they might perform as an executive: 'Every year in the Legislature, I personally got a lot of bills passed, but you would not have wanted me to be the mayor even of a small village.' But the lack of an in-depth passage record, coupled with the few bills he's authored, means Mamdani doesn't bring many specifics about his policy background for voters to glean. One of the three laws he's responsible for let the Museum of the Moving Image apply for a liquor license. Another allowed people to petition state agencies to hold public hearings. But he didn't come up with that idea — the legislation had been lingering since 1995 and had previously passed the Assembly 14 times under five different sponsors. His third bill, enacted in 2022, tweaked that 2021 law. Then, during the most recent legislative session, he passed a fourth bill — that would bump back the law's expiration date. The passage of the 2022 version of the petitioning law was the only time he's ever engaged in a back-and-forth debate during his time in the Legislature. He hoped the bill would leave 'New Yorkers feeling that they have a place in this government, that their voices are heard,' he said. 'This is, for me, the essence of socialism, which is the extension of democracy from the ballot box to the rest of our society of the ability of each and every person to have control over their own lives.' The remarks did not win over his detractors. 'Labeling this bill the extension of socialism makes me reaffirm my negative vote,' said then-Assemblymember Mike Lawler, his chief sparring partner in the debate. Mamdani has spoken on the floor on a handful of other bills over the years, and often his remarks focused on issues of identity — he voted against the Democrats' 2022 redistricting plan, for example, because it didn't create a new district for his fellow South Asians elsewhere in Queens. He criticized the governor's priorities in the state budget and supported legalized marijuana: 'Smoking or ingesting marijuana may also lead to becoming an elected official,' he said about claims that it's a gateway drug. By and large, Mamdani has remained outside regular power structures in Albany, meaning even those who deal with the Assembly the most can't predict what a Mamdani City Hall might look like. Lobbyists surveyed by POLITICO — including those supportive of causes he appears aligned with, like environmental and criminal justice issues — say they haven't engaged with him much, or even met him at all. His name only appears on Gov. Kathy Hochul's schedules once in the past four years, when attending a dinner joined by 21 members of the Queens delegation. One of the most important questions for any inexperienced executive is how they will fill out their administration. Former Gov. David Paterson, who went from the state Legislature to a high-level executive role — much like Mamdani hopes to — said those decisions can make or break an administration. 'The whole issue is about staff selection,' said Paterson, who's backing Cuomo. 'You may not be the brightest bulb in the chandelier but the other bulbs can work along with you.' Even Mamdani's supporters have emphasized he needs to fill his administration with experienced staff — Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez said she has 'made her expectations of the assemblymember quite clear' in that area. Nothing has tripped up past mayors in New York City more than tensions with the city's vast and complicated bureaucracy — from a sanitation strike during John Lindsay's tenure, to Bill de Blasio's early missteps with snowstorms. It will likely be difficult for somebody like Mamdani to walk into office with the trust of city employees, especially if they lack high-level staff already familiar with the intricacies of the municipal government. 'He'd have to spend a decade building relationships in the city,' said Brandon del Pozo, a Brown University professor and former NYPD deputy inspector. 'You have to have a legislative track record. You'd have to have meetings with the police and the labor unions. You have to do a lot of behind-the-scenes work.' A failure to lay those foundational building blocks means city employees like police officers may be skeptical of Mamdani from the get-go. 'Even though I don't think de Blasio had a great tenure — he still was able to convince people that he knew how New York City ran,' del Pozo said, pointing to the former mayor's time in institutions like the City Council. 'This is one of the most important cities in the world and the biggest and most complex city in the United States. So if you don't have the executive experience, you've got to have something else that really, really makes up for that.' Paterson noted how 'Cuomo described [electing Mamdani] as reckless and dangerous. It certainly would portend that would be the case.' But, he added, 'you just never know' when it comes to succeeding as an executive. 'The one thing he's been in charge of his campaign,' he said. 'That's working: He's in the game.' And nobody — not even the candidates themselves — actually know whether they're experienced enough to be an executive for the first time. 'When I did become governor, it felt that way: 'What am I doing here!?'' Paterson said. — Jeff Coltin contributed reporting

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