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J&K students evacuated from Iran stranded after bus breaks down five times: Report

J&K students evacuated from Iran stranded after bus breaks down five times: Report

Hindustan Times16 hours ago

Indian students who were evacuated from Iran as part of Operation Sindhu were stranded on the Pathankot highway for over two hours after a bus transporting them to Jammu and Kashmir's Srinagar broke down five times, reported India Today. Indian students from Jammu and Kashmir who were evacuated from Iran under Operation Sindhu have been stranded after their bus broke down(PTI)
The bus, sent by the Jammu and Kashmir government, was transporting 14 girls to Srinagar after they arrived at Delhi airport by flight. The girls had already travelled more than 2,000 km by road in Iran to reach home safely.
Also Read: Indians return from war-hit Iran, describe their ordeal. Watch
However, the bus has been facing difficulties due to a mechanical failure. Earlier, students from Jammu and Kashmir who had been evacuated from Iran complained about the poor domestic travel arrangements made by the Jammu and Kashmir government.
Also Read: First flight carrying Indian students moved from Iran to Armenia lands in Delhi under Operation Sindhu
In a video on X, the Jammu and Kashmir Students Association showed the run-down condition of the bus.
"After enduring a harrowing four-day journey from Iran via Armenia and Doha, Kashmiri students have reached Delhi, only to be dumped in SRTC buses, unlike students from other states who were received with proper airport facilitation, care, and connecting flights home," the association said.
Also Read: After Iran, India to evacuate its nationals from Israel under 'Operation Sindhu': MEA
In response to the student's earlier complaints, the office of the chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir stated on X, 'The Chief Minister has taken note of the request of the students evacuated from Iran regarding the quality of buses arranged to transport them from Delhi to J&K. The Resident Commissioner has been tasked with coordinating with the JKRTC to ensure proper deluxe buses are arranged.'
The group of students had arrived in Delhi on a flight that carried 110 Indian students from Iran, with 90 of them belonging to Jammu and Kashmir as a part of Operation Sindhu. The flight transited via Armenia and Doha and faced delays before landing in Delhi. The Ministry of External Affairs stated that a total of 827 Indian nationals had been evacuated from Iran till date.

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When US wanted Iran and China to help Pakistan in war against India
When US wanted Iran and China to help Pakistan in war against India

Indian Express

time24 minutes ago

  • Indian Express

When US wanted Iran and China to help Pakistan in war against India

The United States has bombed Iran using its strategic bomber aircraft fleet. This is an opportune time to recall the past friendship of the US with Iran and how at one point in the India-Pakistan war in December 1971, it wanted Iran to help Pakistan with urgent fuel supplies and also fighter aircraft to save the country from decimation at India's hands. Declassified US State Department documents include minutes of a meeting held in Washington on December 9, 1971, which was chaired by Henry Kissinger, then national security advisor to US President Richard Nixon. In this meeting, the US officials worried about the lack of fuel reserves in West Pakistan and the fact that the Pakistani military would soon come to a standstill because its major fuel reserves had been destroyed by Indian attacks on the Karachi port. Kissinger asked the officials if fuel supplies could be rushed from Tehran to Pakistan so that West Pakistan could be saved from being captured by India after the successful conquest of East Pakistan. In the same meeting, discussions were also held on supplying Pakistan with fighter aircraft from Iran and asking China to make threatening mocks on the border with India. CIA Director Richard Helms informed the participants that in the last few hours, he had received a report from Karachi that the oil tanks there had been hit again, in the 12th or 13th air raid, and that six or eight of them had been burning. 'An ESSO representative has indicated that this means the loss of 50% of Karachi's oil reserves, which amounts to over 80% of the POL [petrol, oil, lubricants] for all of Pakistan. He estimates that they are left with a two-week supply, possibly less at the rate at which POL is now being consumed,' he said. Kissinger asked the Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Thomas H Moorer for his estimate of the military situation. Moorer stated that in East Pakistan, in the absence of a ceasefire, it was just a matter of time until the Pakistan Army would be essentially ineffective. 'Their supplies are cut off and they have no air left. Any serious fighting could be over in ten days or two weeks, depending on whether the Paks continue to fight to the last man or whether they begin to surrender in large numbers, which does not seem to be in the cards now,' he said. The admiral added that in West Pakistan, the Pakistanis are trying to occupy enough of Kashmir to give them a bargaining chip if and when there is a ceasefire. 'They are trying to block the main lines of communication. South of the Kashmir area, the Indians outnumber the Paks two-to-one, and they may plan to move south to Lahore, although there is no indication of that now. The best Pakistan can do is to gain as much control of Kashmir as possible,' he said. Moorer added that the Pakistanis can operate for about three weeks or so. 'However, if there is a period of attrition, with no ceasefire, the Indians can hold out longer and the Paks have had it. Mrs. Gandhi has stated that her objective is to destroy the Pak military forces,' he said. Kissenger asked whether in that case in a prolonged war, even if Pakistan got Kashmir, it would be unable to hold it and it would lead to the destruction of the Pakistan Army. 'Exactly. When East Pakistan is gone, the Indians will transfer their divisions to West-possibly four of the six divisions now in the East. This will take one to three weeks, depending on how much air they use. If the war continues to the end, the outcome for Pakistan is inevitable,' said Admiral Moorer. At this point, John N Irwin, the undersecretary of state, mentioned a CIA paper, Implications of an Indian Victory Over Pakistan, that predicts the possible acceleration of the breakup tendencies in West Pakistan— possibly into as many as four separate states. The admiral pointed out that the Indian objective was to take out the Pakistani tanks and planes. 'If they run out of POL and can't move, they'll be sitting ducks,' he said. The meeting then discussed the possibility of trucking POL from Tehran. 'There is one road. We have one report that indicates that Chinese trucks are coming in but we don't know what they are carrying. Iran is the logical source of POL. I talked to the Turkish Chief of Staff at NATO and asked him how much assistance he thought Iran was prepared to give to Pakistan. He said he thought the Shah wanted to be helpful, but had one eye cocked on Iraq. In the end, he didn't believe the Shah would give significant assistance,' said the Admiral. The documents also reveal that on instructions from Washington, a senior embassy official met the Shah of Iran in Tehran on December 8, 1971, to discuss the possibility of Iranian military support for Pakistan. The Shah stated that he had informed the Pakistani ambassador in Tehran that, in light of the treaty of friendship signed by India and the Soviet Union, he could not send Iranian aircraft and pilots to Pakistan. He was not prepared to risk a confrontation with the Soviet Union. The Shah proposed an alternative way to support the hard-pressed Pakistani Air Force. He suggested that the United States urge King Hussein to send Jordanian F-104 fighters to Pakistan. The Shah in turn would send two squadrons of Iranian aircraft to Jordan to defend Jordan while Jordanian planes and pilots were in Pakistan engaged in support of fellow Muslims. 'The Embassy official indicated that, because of legal constraints regarding the use of military equipment provided by the United States, it would be difficult for officials in Washington to give permission for the transfer of the F-104s from Jordan to Pakistan, or to overlook their absence in Jordan. The Shah said that the United States could not hope to achieve the objective of bolstering Pakistan while maintaining that it was not involved in the effort,' the document says. President Nixon, Attorney General John N Mitchell, and Henry Kissinger had earlier met on the afternoon of December 8, 1971, for an extended discussion of the crisis in South Asia. Turning to the situation in East Pakistan, Kissinger warned that 'the Indian plan is now clear. They are going to move their forces from East Pakistan to the west. They will then smash the Pakistan land forces and air forces.' He added that India planned to 'annex the part of Kashmir that is in Pakistan.' Kissinger went on to attribute to the Gandhi government the goal of balkanising West Pakistan into units such as Baluchistan and the Northwest Frontier Province. West Pakistan would become a state akin to Afghanistan and East Pakistan would equate with Bhutan. Nixon said that he had given Prime Minister Indira Gandhi a warning during his dinner in Washington with her. 'I told her that any war would be very, very unacceptable.' Kissinger observed that any such warning obviously fell on deaf ears. 'She was determined to go.' 'As I look at this thing, the Chinese have got to move to that damn border. The Indians have got to get a little scared,' said Nixon. He instructed Kissinger to get a message to that effect to the Chinese. Kissinger suggested that another pressure move would be to move a US aircraft carrier force into the Bay of Bengal. Summarising the decisions they were considering, Kissinger said, 'We should get a note to the Chinese, we should move the carrier to the Bay of Bengal.' Nixon interjected, 'I agree.' Kissinger also pointed to the threat to West Pakistan, 'At this stage, we have to prevent an Indian attack on West Pakistan.' Nixon agreed. Kissinger continued, 'We have to maintain the position of withdrawal from all of Pakistan.' He stated that by introducing its military power into the equation, in the form of a carrier and other units from the Seventh Fleet, the US was seeking to prevent 'a Soviet stooge, supported by Soviet arms' from overrunning an ally. Nixon returned to his conviction that China could exercise a decisive restraining influence on India. 'The Chinese thing I still think is a card in the hole there. I tell you a movement of even some Chinese toward that border could scare those goddamn Indians to death.' Kissinger agreed, 'As soon as we have made the decision here, we can then talk to the Chinese.' Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger engaged in conversation outside the Oval Office. Source: US National Archives, Nixon Presidential Materials Project Photo Collection)

Remembering Emergency: When India banned Coke and brewed nationalism in a bottle called Double Seven
Remembering Emergency: When India banned Coke and brewed nationalism in a bottle called Double Seven

Economic Times

time31 minutes ago

  • Economic Times

Remembering Emergency: When India banned Coke and brewed nationalism in a bottle called Double Seven

Reuters A Coca Cola logo is pictured in Brussels, Belgium March 4, 2024. In the summer of 1977, just after the 21-month Emergency ended and India turned the page on nearly three decades of uninterrupted Congress rule, a new political force was not the only thing bubbling to the newly elected Janata Party government had shown the door to Coca-Cola and unveiled its own fizzy response -- Double Seven. The country's first "sarkari cola" was launched as a symbol of economic self-reliance and political after the landmark year that brought the Morarji Desai-led Janata coalition to power, Double Seven was more than a beverage; it was a political statement in a bottle. The indigenous cola had an elaborate launch at the annual trade fair at Pragati Maidan. The Double Seven cola, popularly known as "Satattar" (77 in Hindi) was manufactured and marketed by the makers of Modern breads - Modern Food Industries - a government-owned company. Interestingly, then MP H V Kamath was also awarded a cash prize for coming up with the name "77". Although "77" was not ready for sale until 1978, the name was chosen because 1977 was the year of big changes in India -- such as the end of the Indira Gandhi government and the helm of affairs in the cola episode was then Industry Minister George Fernandes, who decided to throw Coke as well as IBM out of India over their refusal to follow the provisions of what was then the Foreign Exchange Regulation Ramagundam wrote in Fernandes' biography "Life and Times of George Fernandes" that the provision stipulated that foreign companies should dilute their equity stake in their Indian associates to 60 per wanted Coca-Cola Company to not just transfer 60 per cent of the shares of its Indian firm but also the formula for its concentrate to Indian shareholders. The company said it was agreeable to transferring a majority of the shares but not the formula, which it contended was a trade company exited the Indian market as the government denied a licence to import the Coke concentrate. Fernandes then introduced the indigenous drink "77".The government asked the Central Food Technological Research Institute (CFTRI) in Mysuru to develop the with the tagline "The Taste that Tingles", the cola did not strike the same chord with the public as Coca-Cola, amid tough competition from brands like Campa Cola, Thums Up, and Duke."I remember the launch of Double Seven at the annual trade fair at Pragati Maidan, a proud gift from the Janata Party, an indigenous drink supposedly superior than Coca-Cola and a stark reminder of Indira Gandhi's humiliating defeat in the recent general elections," author Sunil Lala says in his book "American Khichdi", published in McGraw Hill's book "Advertising Management: Concepts and Cases" also mentions Double Seven as an example of government branding and "swadeshi" marketing gone cited the launch of Double Seven as a business school case study in government-backed branding, highlighting the campaign's missteps and beverage-market context of the late end of Double Seven, not so surprisingly, coincided with Indira Gandhi reclaiming power in made a comeback in October 1993, post-liberalisation of the Indian market by the P V Narasimha Rao government and has maintained a strong presence ever leader Shashi Tharoor has also referred to the episode in his book "India: From Midnight to the Millennium and Beyond"."Heedless to the signal these exits sent to the world - whose brief hopes that a change of government might have led to a more welcoming investment climate were poured down the same drain as the Coke - the Janata ministers chose to celebrate the departures of these multinationals as a further triumph for socialism and anti-imperialistic self-reliance," Tharoor wrote in the Emergency was imposed 50 years ago on June 25, 1975, by the then prime minister Indira Gandhi. Triggered by political unrest and a court verdict invalidating Gandhi's election, the Emergency suspended civil liberties, censored the press and saw mass arrests of opposition leaders.

Aandhi: A cinematic storm that echoed Indira's era
Aandhi: A cinematic storm that echoed Indira's era

India Today

time44 minutes ago

  • India Today

Aandhi: A cinematic storm that echoed Indira's era

In this week's Retro Review, we dive into 'Aandhi', a bold political satire that stirred controversy for its striking parallels to Indira Gandhi. A timeless tale of ambition, love, and sacrifice, it remains a cinematic Review: Aandhi (1975)Cast: Sanjeev Kumar, Suchitra Sen, Om Prakash, AK Hangal, Om ShivpuriDirector: GulzarMusic/Lyrics: RD Burman, GulzarBox-Office Status: HitWhere to Watch: YouTubeWhy to Watch: For its poignant portrayal of politics' toll on personal livesMoral of the Story: Kuch toh log kahenge, logon ka kaam hai kehnaadvertisementFormer Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi devoted an hour every morning to yoga. She spent almost an equivalent amount of time with her stylist every week. The combination of the two gave her a distinct personality, highlighted by a slender physique, brisk walk, crisp sarees, and a hairstyle with a signature streak of the 1970s, Mrs Gandhi (as she was known worldwide) was at the peak of her popularity. The victory over Bangladesh, and her 'garibi hatao' campaign had endeared her to the masses and the classes. Even the opposition hailed her as an avatar of Durga. Photo: IMDb advertisement Film-maker Gulzar saw in Indira's unique persona and soaring popularity an opportunity to craft a political satire. The outcome was 'Aandhi', a film that suffered the highs and lows of the character that inspired has said many times the film was not based on Indira Gandhi's life. Only the lead character, Aarti Devi, was inspired by her, and Tarkeshwari Sinha, a popular Parliamentarian from Patna. But at the time of 'Aandhi's' release, the film was marketed as an Indira Gandhi biopic, with posters exhorting the audience to come and watch 'their PM on the screen.'The strategy, initially successful, backfired when Mrs Gandhi's opponents started screening some of the scenes in 'Aandhi' to tarnish her image during elections for the Gujarat assembly, fought in the heat of the Navnirman on a complaint filed by the Congress, the Election Commission banned 'Aandhi', 24 weeks after its initial release. Soon after, on June 26, 1975, Indira Gandhi's firm voice crackled through All India Radio, announcing the imposition of the Emergency. The film, thus, was indelibly linked with Mrs Gandhi, and the excesses of the Emergency that coincided with the PLOT'Aandhi's' narrative unfolds with a delicate balance of personal drama and political intrigue, centred on Aarti Devi (Suchitra Sen), a charismatic yet embattled politician whose chance reunion with her estranged husband, JK (Sanjeev Kumar), forces her to confront the sacrifices her ambition has demanded. Sanjeev Kumar and Suchitra Sen in a still from 'Aandhi'. (Photo: Facebook/FilmHistoryPic) While Aarti navigates the deluge of emotions from the past, an election unfolds, with all its trickery and subterfuge. Unable to match her aura and sharp moves, the opposition attacks Aarti's personal tongues, like they always do, begin to wag with rumours, snide remarks and salacious gossip. But, with a bold move at the end, Aarti stuns her critics, stealing the show, literally, from their own narrative similarities with Indira Gandhi are hard to miss. Her father, India's first PM Jawaharlal Nehru, wasn't happy with her marriage to Feroze Gandhi, a Parsi. The marriage was solemnised with Vedic rituals, at Nehru's Gandhi, a dynamic politician and journalist, maintained an independent identity. Elected to the Lok Sabha from Rae Bareli in 1952 and 1957, he often sparred with the government. In 1958, he famously uncovered the LIC scandal, which implicated the relationship with Indira was complex, marked by periods of strain. Burdened with contradictions, the alliance didn't last long. Indira Gandhi soon shifted to her father's home with her sons Rajiv and 'Aandhi', Aarti's complex marriage with JK, who has an independent spirit, mirrors the Indira-Feroze dynamics. But, unlike Feroze Gandhi's tragic end - he died young after a heart attack - the film ends on a happy another scene, Aarti is pelted with stones. This happens after she delivers a speech and is confronted by an angry crowd. A journalist then asks her if violence is a part of politics, to which she replies that it is a part of bad incident has an uncanny similarity with a political rally where a stone hit Indira Gandhi's nose, requiring minor surgery. Photo: IMDb THE GOOD, BAD AND UGLYThe film's brilliance lies in Gulzar's ability to craft a story that is both intimate and universal, exploring the toll of public life on personal relationships. Sen's portrayal of Aarti is magnetic. She channels the poise and steely resolve of a leader while revealing the quiet loneliness beneath her polished as JK, matches her with a performance that is understated yet deeply affecting, his character's stoic demeanour masking years of unresolved film's non-linear storytelling, a Gulzar trademark, weaves past and present seamlessly, showing how Aarti's rise in politics strained her marriage and distanced her from her daughter. This personal conflict is juxtaposed with her public persona, where she navigates a world of sycophants, rivals, and moral compromises.'Aandhi' doesn't shy away from showing the gritty realities of politics - bribery, manipulation, and public scrutiny - but it does so with a poetic restraint that avoids Burman's music, paired with Gulzar's evocative lyrics, is the film's emotional heartbeat. Songs like 'Tere Bina Zindagi Se' and 'Is Mod Se Jaate Hain' are not mere interludes but narrative pillars, amplifying the themes of longing and chemistry between Sen and Kumar is most palpable in these musical moments, where their unspoken emotions speak louder than words. The supporting cast - Om Prakash, AK Hangal, and Om Shivpuri - adds depth, portraying the loyalists and sceptics who orbit Aarti's problem with the film is its climax. It starts with a problem that looks like a pointless 'Aandhi', a storm in a teacup, and ends with a dramatic solution. The subplot feels forced, relying on exaggerated gossip to dramatise Aarti's marriage, which clashes with the film's nuanced VERDICTDespite this flaw, the film's depiction of a strong, flawed female leader was groundbreaking for its time, challenging stereotypes in a male-dominated industry. The human story at its core - a love tested by ambition and time - makes 'Aandhi' timeless. The formula has been copied many times, almost verbatim in later films like 'Pyar Jhukta Nahin', underlining its evergreen Gandhi lost the 1977 election. When 'Aandhi' was re-released by the Moraraji Desai government, the audiences embraced its nuanced take on power and vulnerability. The film's success was a reminder that Indira Gandhi may have been defeated, but she wasn't forgotten. Like 'Aandhi', Indira Gandhi also got a second chance at redemption.'Aandhi' remains a must-watch for its bold storytelling, unforgettable performances, and its unflinching look at the personal costs of political life. It's a reminder that behind every public figure lies a private struggle, and that art, even when banned, has the power to endure and provoke. Watch it to witness a masterclass in filmmaking, music composition, and to reflect on the timeless truth: kuch toh log kahenge, but the heart knows its own story.P.S.: In 'Aandhi', Suchitra Sen is styled after Indira Gandhi. She wears crisp sarees, and has her trademark streak of grey. Habib Ahmed, the famous stylist, once revealed Indira's hair was 99 per cent except that grey streak, the rest had to be dyed black. 'She had it done first in France, and then I took over,' Habib revealed, adding that he saw the PM once or twice a week to help her maintain her iconic look.

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