Cambodian government musters support from huge crowds in Thai border row
PHNOM PENH: Tens of thousands of Cambodians took to the streets of Phnom Penh on Wednesday (Jun 18) for an official rally to support the government's actions in its recent border dispute with Thailand.
A massive crowd led by Deputy Prime Minister Hun Many - Prime Minister Hun Manet's youngest brother - joined a "Solidarity March" to support Cambodia's government and troops stationed on the border with Thailand.
Flourishing Cambodian flags and portraits of Hun Manet and his father, former leader Hun Sen, supporters marched to the Independence Monument in the heart of the capital.
One Cambodian soldier was killed on May 28 as troops exchanged fire in a disputed area known as the Emerald Triangle, where the borders of Cambodia, Thailand and Laos meet.
The Thai and Cambodian armies both said they acted in self-defence.
Cambodia has asked the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to help resolve the border dispute in four areas - the site of last month's clash and three ancient temples.
Cambodian leaders have repeatedly said the move was to prevent further military clashes.
Hun Manet said Tuesday evening that he wanted to maintain "peace and good cooperation" with Thailand.
"Filing a complaint at the ICJ to resolve the dispute peacefully is our best option to keep friendship and good cooperation with Thailand," he said.
Cambodia on Tuesday banned imports of Thai fruit and vegetables after Bangkok refused to lift border crossing restrictions imposed in recent days.
Cambodia has also banned Thai dramas from TV and cinemas, closed a popular border checkpoint, and cut internet bandwidth from Thailand.
Hun Manet said Tuesday that a return to normality depended on the Thai authorities.
"The ball is in the hands of (the) Thai side, Thai military," he added.
Thailand says it wants a negotiated solution and has urged Cambodia to stop "unofficial" communication - an apparent reference to fiery interventions by Hun Sen, who stepped down in 2023 but still wields great influence.
The border row dates back to the drawing of the countries' 800km frontier in the early 20th century during the French occupation of Indochina.
Cambodia has previously sought help from the ICJ in a territorial dispute over a border temple.
In 1962, the court ruled that the disputed Preah Vihear temple belonged to Cambodia, and in 2013, the ICJ awarded an area next to the temple to Cambodia as well.
Thailand said it did not accept the court's jurisdiction.
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Straits Times
38 minutes ago
- Straits Times
Why Thailand's ruling political clan faces a new threat
Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra is facing street protests and growing calls to resign amid mounting anger over a leaked phone call with former Cambodian leader Hun Sen. PHOTO: EPA-EFE Thailand's most prominent political dynasty is on the brink of losing power once again. Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra is facing street protests and growing calls to resign amid mounting anger over a leaked phone call with former Cambodian leader Hun Sen, in which she criticised the Thai army for its role in a border dispute with the neighbouring country. The controversy prompted the second-largest party in Thailand's already fragile coalition government to quit on June 18, saying Ms Paetongtarn had damaged the country's dignity. If another key ally withdraws from the alliance, Ms Paetongtarn's coalition will be reduced to a minority in the lower house of parliament. She may be forced to step down or call an early election to avoid a prolonged crisis. Elected via a parliamentary vote in August 2024 as the country's youngest ever leader, Ms Paetongtarn could become the third politician in the Shinawatra family to lose power before completing their term. The turmoil will be a test of Thailand's democracy, which has previously been interrupted by a number of coups as royalist establishment engineered long stretches of military-backed rule. What triggered the latest political crisis? Tensions between Thailand and Cambodia escalated after a May border clash in the disputed Chong Bok area left a Cambodian soldier dead. Both sides reinforced their troop deployments in the region and restricted border crossings, and Cambodia's government also imposed trade curbs. Diplomatic efforts to resolve the dispute have so far failed. In the audio recording leaked by Mr Hun Sen, Ms Paetongtarn blamed the simmering weeks-long border standoff on the Thai army. She has apologised for the comments and said that her 'sympathetic remarks and softer tone' during the conversation were part of a negotiating strategy to ease border tensions. Ms Paetongtarn has little political room to manouver. The exit of the royalist, conservative Bhumjaithai Party from her ruling coalition reduced the government's position to 255 of the 495 seats in the House of Representatives, or just over a 51 per cent share. If she loses the house majority and dissolves parliament, it would delay a new budget bill and disrupt fiscal policy while the country prepares for a new general election. Alternatively, her resignation would trigger a new prime ministerial vote. Either scenario could further unnerve foreign investors, who have been selling Thai stocks amid the threat of double-digit US tariffs on goods from South-east Asia's second-largest economy. Who are the Shinawatras? The Shinawatras are descendants of a Chinese immigrant who married a Thai woman in the late 19th century. They have been the driving force behind parties that won most of Thailand's general elections since 2001, only to be booted out several times by the royalist establishment, which viewed them as a threat. Three Shinawatras have occupied Thailand's top political office at different times over the last two decades. Mr Thaksin Shinawatra, the billionaire father of Ms Paetongtarn, has been a polarising but enduring figure in politics since he first became prime minister in 2001. He secured a second term in office with a landslide victory by his Thai Rak Thai Party in 2005, but this ended abruptly a year later in a military coup. Mr Thaksin left Thailand in 2008 to avoid corruption charges that he said were politically motivated. His sister, Ms Yingluck Shinawatra, faced a similar fate after her Pheu Thai party won the 2011 election and she became Thailand's first female prime minister. Ms Yingluck was ousted by judicial order in 2014, and weeks later her government was toppled in yet another coup. How did the Shinawatras return to high office? In May 2023, after almost nine years of military-backed rule, elections were held in which Pheu Thai came second to Move Forward – a new party that found support among mostly young and urban voters with a campaign to change the 'lese majeste' law, which restricts what can be said about the nation's powerful monarchy. In response, Pheu Thai and conservative, pro-establishment parties joined forces and agreed to make Mr Srettha Thavisin prime minister of a new coalition government, in a deal that was brokered by Mr Thaksin and allowed him to return from self-imposed exile. Less than a year later, Mr Srettha was removed from office by a court order over an ethics violation case and parliament voted for him to be succeeded by Mr Thaksin's youngest daughter, Ms Paetongtarn. How did the Shinawatras become popular? In the wake of the 1997 Asian financial crisis, Mr Thaksin spent heavily on grassroots measures designed to stimulate domestic demand, such as debt moratorium plans for farmers, low-cost housing projects and loans for small- and medium-sized enterprises. A universal healthcare initiative revolutionised access to medical care for poorer citizens and still benefits millions of Thais two decades later. Its 'gold card' is held by 47 million people, or 70 per cent of the population. After the coup that toppled Mr Thaksin's administration in 2006, his mostly rural supporters formed the pro-democracy 'Red Shirt' movement to protest his removal, and often clashed with a rival 'Yellow Shirt' group made up of urban middle-class Thais that sought to push the Shinawatras out of Thai politics. Why is Thaksin's political influence controversial? Stepping out of her father's shadow has been challenging for Ms Paetongtarn as Mr Thaksin is seen as the unofficial power behind Pheu Thai. She is faced questions over whether Mr Thaksin wields significant influence over her administration – concerns that sparked dozens of complaints that sought to disqualify her from office and dissolve the Pheu Thai party. Even if Ms Paetongtarn survives the current crisis, she could still face political blowback from her father's legal troubles. Mr Thaksin has a royal insult trial hanging over him, in which he is accused of defaming the monarchy with remarks he made during an interview in 2015. The hearing is scheduled for July 2025, the same month the Supreme Court will deliberate whether his time in a police hospital after returning from exile counts as having served his commuted prison sentence for corruption charges. While the deal Mr Thaksin brokered in 2023 returned Pheu Thai to government, the alliance with the royalists damaged the party's popularity and could affect its performance in the next general election, which is scheduled to take place in 2027 if the government completes a full term. After opposition party Move Forward was disbanded in 2024 – the Constitutional Court ruled it had violated election rules by promising to amend the lese majeste law – its leadership established the People's Party, which has similar ambitions for wholesale political change. The movement's pledge to improve living standards with large-scale social welfare programs has challenged Pheu Thai's status as the party of the working class. Many Thais are struggling with debt, inequality remains high, and a decline in poverty has slowed along with economic growth. Why is there tension between the Shinawatras and the royalist establishment? The Shinawatras' electoral and financial clout has made them an intimidating rival to an elite made up of army generals, judges and senior civil servants that has dominated Thailand's most powerful state institutions since the era of absolute monarchy ended in 1932. Mr Thaksin's entrepreneurial success and personal ambition echoed the American Dream and resonated with many ordinary Thais who had become discontent with the paternalistic style of previous political leaders. While many wealthier, well-educated and city-dwelling Thais accused Mr Thaksin of cronyism, populism and corruption, he enjoyed wide support among poorer and working-class voters in the country's north and northeast. The latter groups make up the majority of the electorate and benefited from Thaksin's big-ticket economic programmes that came to be known as 'Thaksinomics'. The groundswell of support for Mr Thaksin was seen by the establishment as a threat to the country's social hierarchy, in which the monarchy is perceived to sit at the top. How did the Shinawatras make their fortune? Mr Thaksin has portrayed himself as a self-made man from rural origins, but the family was relatively wealthy when he was growing up. The root of their fortune was a silk business they established in the north of the country in the early 20th century. During a 14-year career in the police force, Mr Thaksin dabbled in silk retail, cinemas, real estate and computer leasing – with little success – before striking it rich in the technology boom of the 1980s and 1990s. His head start in the computer business and his political connections allowed him to snap up government concessions to operate paging and mobile phone services, cable television subscriptions, data networks and satellites. At the height of his success, his Shin Corporation, now called Intouch Holdings, owned Thai mobile operator Advanced Info Service and satellite firm Shin Satellite, now known as Thaicom. Shin Corp was sold to Singapore state investment firm Temasek Holdings in 2006. Today, Shinawatra family members including Mr Thaksin's ex-wife, daughter Ms Paetongtarn, and her two older siblings – Mr Panthongtae and Ms Pintongta – control companies spanning real estate to health care and hospitality. Some of those firms are listed on the Thai stock exchange, including property developer SC Asset, run by Thaksin's son-in-law Nuttaphong Kunakornwong. Ms Paetongtarn stepped down from positions in the private sector to comply with share ownership laws for members of a cabinet. Why did Thaksin go into exile? Opponents accused Mr Thaksin of abusing his power to promote his family's business interests. Sales of the Shinawatras' majority stakes in Shin Corp to a foreign company were seen as the final straw, and mass protests by the Yellow Shirts eventually led to his downfall. Mr Thaksin claimed assassination attempts were made against him before and after the 2006 coup, making him fear for his safety. His then-wife Pojamarn Damapong was sentenced to prison for tax evasion linked to a transfer of Shin Corp shares, and Mr Thaksin decided to flee the country in 2008 to avoid corruption charges. He spent the intervening years shuttling between Hong Kong, Singapore, Dubai and London, and was found guilty in absentia in four graft cases. Mr Thaksin was ordered to serve eight years in prison for corruption after he returned to Thailand in 2023. He was moved to a police hospital within hours of entering a Bangkok jail and his sentence was later commuted to one year in a royal pardon. Mr Thaksin was released early on special parole in February 2024. His sister Yingluck also fled Thailand in 2017 and a court later sentenced her to five years in prison for criminal negligence in a rice subsidy programme that cost the state billions of dollars. She was ordered in May 2025 to pay a US$306 million (S$394 million) fine for losses incurred under the rice scheme. Although she remains in self-imposed exile, Mr Thaksin has mentioned efforts to bring her home sometime in 2025. BLOOMBERG Join ST's Telegram channel and get the latest breaking news delivered to you.
Straits Times
13 hours ago
- Straits Times
Inside the leaked phone call threatening to bring down Thailand's government
Thai PM Paetongtarn Shinawatra, accompanied by Lieutenant-General Boonsin Padklang, whom she had disparaged in the leaked phone call, visiting an army base near the Cambodian border on June 20. PHOTO: REUTERS - It was an undignified breach of diplomatic protocol and personal confidence between world leaders that arguably has no clear precedent – at least in terms of its power to embarrass, and potentially unseat, a sitting government. The damaging leak of her 17-minute phone conversation with Cambodian senate president Hun Sen has left Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra clinging to a crumbling ruling coalition, her position written off as untenable by most political analysts. Mr Hun Sen , Cambodia's former strongman leader, in recording the conversation and then disseminating the audio clip, likely had domestic political calculations at the front of his mind, analysts say. These include bolstering the position of his son and current prime minister Hun Manet and, amid rising nationalist sentiment, demonstrating that his country remained uncowed in its renewed military spat along the border it shares with its larger neighbour. But in tipping Ms Paetongtarn's Pheu Thai Party-led government into turmoil, unwittingly or otherwise, Mr Hun Sen's actions are likely to invite a more assertive posture from Thailand following the brief border skirmish on May 28 that saw one Cambodian soldier killed. 'The Pheu Thai government, if it does remain in power, is now boxed in when it comes to Cambodia: it can no longer afford to be seen as weak and deferential to Hun Sen and Hun Manet,' said Mr Ken Lohatepanont, a political analyst and doctoral candidate at the University of Michigan. 'I would expect that the military will now have greater latitude to pursue its desired course of action in the future,' he added. Dr Thitinan Pongsudhirak, a political science professor at Chulalongkorn University, said it was now tantamount to the Thai army being given 'a blank cheque' to manage the border dispute how it saw fit, after Ms Paetongtarn, the daughter of former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, had previously been seen by critics as being too soft on the issue. 'Thailand is now at risk of escalating the border dispute because of Paetongtarn's mistake,' he said. On June 20, Ms Paetongtarn travelled to an army base near the Cambodian border in a show of support for Thai troops, accompanied by the region's army commander, Lt-Gen Boonsin Padklang, whom she had disparaged in the leaked phone call with Mr Hun Sen. Her trip came as conservative pro-monarchist groups, including supporters of the 'yellow-shirt' movement that protested against Mr Thaksin when he was in office, said they planned to intensify demonstrations demanding Ms Paetongtarn's resignation. It was also made as the conservative United Thai Nation Party was reported by local media on June 20 as being poised to quit the government – which would tip the ruling coalition into a parliamentary minority – unless Ms Paetongtarn stepped down, after just 10 months as prime minister. The 38-year-old political novice assumed power in August 2024 at the head of an uneasy post-election coalition between her Pheu Thai Party and a clutch of pro-military parties which were part of the conservative establishment whose distrust and rivalry with Mr Thaksin's political movement had dominated Thailand's political landscape for much of the past two decades. It remains unclear how an initial excerpt of the leaked June 15 call first surfaced online and then was swiftly picked up by Cambodian and Thai media outlets. Mr Hun Sen denied leaking the audio, but was quick to confirm its veracity. He said in a social media post that the call with Ms Paetongtarn had been recorded 'to avoid any misunderstandings' and that he had shared the audio clip with about 80 Cambodian officials. He subsequently posted the full recording to his official Facebook page on June 18. In the call, Ms Paetongtarn is heard pleading with the former Cambodian leader to help resolve border tensions between the two South-east Asian nations that she said were proving damaging to her government. Addressing Mr Hun Sen as 'uncle', Ms Paetongtarn appeared to blame the Thai army for inflaming tensions and referred to them as 'the opposite side'. She urged Mr Hun Sen to ignore comments from Lt-Gen Boonsin, who she said merely wanted to 'appear cool'. Ms Paetongtarn initially said her words were merely part of a 'negotiation tactic' but on June 19 issued a public apology for her remarks and slammed Mr Hun Sen for recording the call without her knowledge and leaking it. 'In diplomatic protocol terms, leaking a phone call like this is obviously a breach of the privacy that you would expect between leaders,' said Ms Susannah Patton, the director of the South-east Asia Programme at the Lowy Institute, an Australian think tank. 'That being said, Paetongtarn was definitely naive not to foresee that it could be revealed in some way,' she noted. 'The deferential form of address to Hun Sen, the appearance of selling out her own army commander, and repeated calls on Cambodia to de-escalate which made her look weak – it's very damaging,' Ms Patton added. Mr Hun Sen's actions are likely to be especially galling to the Shinawatra clan, given the long and close association between the two political families. Mr Hun Sen was the first foreign leader to visit Mr Thaksin in February 2024, following the latter's return to Bangkok after a 15-year self-imposed exile. 'Hun Sen is answerable to Cambodian public pressure. He needed to take the Thai army to task, and in doing so, he has spun this gambit with Paetongtarn,' said Dr Thitinan. 'He's willing to burn that relationship (with the Shinawatras) to get what he wants for domestic consumption,' he added. As the army commander in charge of Thailand's border response with Cambodia, Lt-Gen Boonsin has cultivated a high profile with his bellicose remarks towards opposing troops. In an interview with local news outlet The Standard published prior to his meeting with Ms Paetongtarn on June 20, he urged the Prime Minister to be 'mindful' and to support the national interest in dealing with the border dispute. 'Any reconciliation is likely to only occur at the surface level,' Mr Lohatepanont said of the pair's meeting. 'The call's contents revealed very clearly that Pheu Thai does not trust the military, but having it revealed so publicly ironically ensures that they will now have to be deferential to the military,' he said. Philip Wen is regional correspondent at The Straits Times, covering South-east Asia from his base in Bangkok. Join ST's Telegram channel and get the latest breaking news delivered to you.
CNA
15 hours ago
- CNA
Embattled Thai PM Paetongtarn does damage control with border visit
In a bid to demonstrate robust relations with the army, Thailand's Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra visited the troubled Cambodian border region as pressure mounts back in Bangkok from fractures within the ruling coalition that threaten her government. AP's Jeremy Koh reports from Bangkok.
