Immigration made homeless numbers worse than they actually were in 2024
A surge in immigration that peaked just as last year's homeless count was taken accounted for the bulk of its historic rise reported in December, grossly inflating the picture of homelessness in America.
Because the local agencies taking the count across the country do not ask for immigration status, homeless numbers ballooned in a handful of states that took in tens of thousands of immigrants, and those states, in turn, pushed the national number to an unprecedented high of nearly 772,000.
In releasing the Annual Homelessness Assessment Report in the last few days of 2024, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development cited immigration, along with the shortage of affordable housing and natural disasters, as a cause of the 18.2% increase nationally. But it did not provide an estimate of how much of the increase was from immigration.
In fact, more than three-fourths of the increase occurred in five states, among them California, that were prominent recipients of immigrants.
"Because they can't disaggregate them and there is no attempt to try to figure out what the migrant population is, it's creating a number that's uninterpretable," said Dennis P. Culhane, professor of social policy at the University of Pennsylvania and a leading national expert on homelessness.
A Times analysis based on methods Culhane devised to control for immigration shows that domestic homelessness likely increased by not much more than 7% nationally and that California's modest increase could well have been lower than the 3.1% HUD reported.
The failure to account for immigration also likely understated the 2.2% decrease the city of Los Angeles reported.
The inordinate influence of immigration suggests that year's increase, and to a lesser extent the 12% increase reported in 2023, are aberrations that will lead to a dramatic correction when this year's count is taken this month.
Though immigrants stressed homeless systems, forcing cities such as New York and Chicago to spend millions of dollars to create new shelters, they were more likely than domestic homeless people to quickly find housing on their own. In November, ABC7 in New York reported that 1,400 immigrants were leaving shelters for every 600 arriving, and both cities have begun cutting back their capacity.
A truer picture of homelessness will emerge now that traffic across the Southern border has been down since last summer and tens of thousands of immigrants counted as homeless last January have left the homeless system on their own, Culhane said.
(Due to catastrophic wildfires, the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority has announced a postponement of the January count until Feb. 18-20. The disaster will undoubtedly affect the count in unpredictable ways.)
The failure to separately account for immigration in the annual report diminishes its ability to illuminate long-range trends in homelessness.
"It totally messes up our trendline," Culhane said.
The annual assessment, called the point-in-time count, is used to apportion federal dollars and provides a long-term measure of the state of homelessness in America.
But it's an imperfect and chronically out-of-date process that takes almost a year to gather data collected across the country by local administrative agencies called Continuums of Care that each develops its own methodology. After making the counts in January, the agencies publish results through the year. This year HUD released the compiled numbers on Dec. 27.
Among the count's faults, its results are subject to statistical error and it doesn't account well for people who live in and out of other people's homes.
"As bad as the point-in-time count is, all the faults in it, what has been remarkable is how consistent it has been. It usually varies only by one or two percent going up or down."
Culhane is writing a paper in which he will strive to untangle the misinterpretations of the count arising from the flawed count. In the aftermath of the release, he said, advocates on all sides have used the numbers to spread alarm with some placing the blame totally on the housing crisis and others finding evidence that the system is failing.
The rhetoric overwhelms more subtle trends that Culhane is looking for. In his timeline, homelessness was trending down nationally from 2010 onward, even while it was increasing on the West Coast. By 2018, "the West Coast increases overtook the declines that were happening elsewhere" and drove the national numbers up again.
While overall homelessness was still nominally up in California, chronic homelessness, long the driving force of the state's increases, decreased slightly in California last year, but ticked up across the nation.
To estimate the influence of immigration, Culhane devised a crude methodology using the outsize increases in states known to have received large numbers of immigrants and the unusually large increases in Latino and family homelessness.
Latinos accounted for more than 60% of the increases in the five states and were as high as 70% in New York.
Just under half the national increase occurred in New York City, which was deluged with immigrants in 2024, largely shipped there by Texas Gov. Greg Abbott. Combined with New York state, counts in Illinois, Massachusetts, Colorado and California recorded increases totaling just under 90,000, or 76% of the increase nationally. Adding on more than 5,000 people rendered homeless by the wildfire in Maui, would account for 80% of the entire increase.
Not all those people would have been immigrants, but other factors would balance that out, Culhane said. Not all immigrants were Latinos, and much of the immigration was spread among other states. In its announcement, HUD said 13 communities reported being affected by immigration. HUD declined The Times' request for the names of those communities.
Like Chicago, the city with the second highest influx of immigrants, New York created a separate shelter system for immigrants, providing it a way to infer the domestic trend.
In January 2024, when the count was taken, the city had 69,000 migrants in shelters, according to Mayor Eric Adams. That was more than the 54,819 HUD reported as the growth in the city's homeless population HUD reported for the state. Since then the number has declined markedly, and with nearly three times more immigrants now exiting the system than entering, the city is planning to start closing shelters.
Alone among American cities, Denver reported two numbers, one for HUD and a smaller number for its own audience, excluding those living in the separate system it created for immigrants. The 9,977 homeless people the Metro Denver Homeless Initiative posted on its website was 30% less than the number it was required to report to HUD and represented an increase of only 77 people.
Kyla Moe, deputy director of MDHI, said the lesser number was calculated to maintain "data integrity and comparability."
"The temporary migrant shelters were funded through a distinct funding stream, separate from the traditional sources used to support the homeless services system," Moe said. "Including these temporary shelters in the local PIT reporting could introduce inconsistencies and potential distortions in the data, making it difficult to accurately assess and track long-term homelessness trends within the existing system."
A similar adjustment could not be made in California or Los Angeles, however, because newly arriving immigrants — many bused from Texas — were simply absorbed into the existing system, in some cases causing shelters to overflow.
The immigrant bulge affected California less than the East Coast cities, but still clouds comparisons of state and local trends to the rest of the nation and may have muted gains the state has made.
Following release of the report, Gov. Gavin Newsom's office issued a statement highlighting the state's relatively low rate of increase, at 3.1%, compared to the national figure of 18.2%.
Subtracting immigrants from the count would make California look more like the rest of the country but still with less than half the rate of increase.
But the state's own number would be lower. Latinos made up 36% of the state's total increase of 5,685 reported to HUD.
Likewise, Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass could have boasted more robustly that the city bucked the national trend if its modest estimated decrease of 1,008 homeless people had been adjusted for the hundreds of migrants who arrived downtown over the past two years.
After increasing incrementally for several years, Latinos spiked in the 2023 count. Then last year their numbers more or less leveled off, even as total homelessness was in decline.
Sign up for Essential California for news, features and recommendations from the L.A. Times and beyond in your inbox six days a week.
This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Boston Globe
a day ago
- Boston Globe
178-year-old scroll denouncing slavery found in Groton
Advertisement Then last month, long after Rev. Badger's pandemic-induced history craze ended, she found the five-foot-long scroll proclaiming the American Baptists' opposition to slavery while clearing out the back room of the office. 'I kept saying to everybody, 'this is the holy grail, this is what I really want to find,'' Badger said. The document was signed right after 'We do therefore, in the fear of God, declare ... that we disapprove and abhor the system of American Slavery,' the ministers wrote in 1847 in the document titled 'Declaration and Protest.' This Saturday at 2 p.m., ministers from American Baptist churches across Massachusetts will gather at the denomination's state headquarters at 189 Prescott Street in Groton to commemorate the scroll and Juneteenth. Advertisement Rev. Kenneth Young, leader of Calvary Baptist Church, the oldest Black church in the Merrimack Valley, is attending the event and said that it's important that people even outside of the American Baptist Church know about the scroll. He said that the scroll could '[It would] help repair some of the brokenness that we've seen in this country and reclaim those stories … of black erasure," he said. Dr. Deborah Van Broekhoven, former head of the American Baptists' historical society, said that back in the early 1800s, most Baptists in the North felt that slavery was wrong but felt that it was the job of slaveholders in the Southern states to fix it. However, after the Mexican-American War (1846-1848), Van Broekhoven said, the American Baptists probably felt they needed to take a stand because Southern politicians began to argue that the Bible endorsed slavery. 'That was much more than a lot of Baptists could swallow,' Van Broekhoven said. At the time, Massachusetts did have some American Baptist churches set up by freed Black people or white abolitionists like the African Meeting House and the Tremont Temple. However, Van Broekhoven said that most of the scroll's signatories were white ministers, because of segregation in Boston at the time. 'I think Blacks were a little bit wary of involvement with this because it still wasn't a popular cause in the North,' Van Broekhoven said. Advertisement Nowadays, the denomination prides itself on being diverse and having racially mixed congregations including Nepalese, Ghanaian and Burmese Americans. Most majority-Black American Baptist churches in Massachusetts are concentrated in southwest Boston, but there are some other Black-centered churches in other parts of the Commonwealth like Rev. Young's congregation in Haverhill. Young said that though Black people are a minority in the denomination in Massachusetts, ministers in TABCOM, the statewide American Baptist association, have attempted to 'understand narratives not centered on whiteness.' 'I think that the sense of feeling welcomed into those spaces like TABCOM has made the difference between the American Baptist of the Commonwealth versus Southern Baptists,' Young said. Rev. Dr. Mary Day Hamel, executive minister of the American Baptist Churches of Massachusetts, said that the discovery of the scroll, right before Juneteenth, and in the context of this presidential administration had come at a 'serendipitous time.' 'In our current climate it's good to remember that early Baptists had an important role in taking a stand against slavery,' Hamel said, 'and just to celebrate that American Baptists as a denomination are very diverse.' Angela Mathew can be reached at


Los Angeles Times
2 days ago
- Los Angeles Times
Federal agents denied entry to Dodger Stadium
Department of Homeland Security vehicles with masked agents were stationed Thursday morning outside Dodger Stadium, in another sign of the raids sweeping Southern California. It is unclear what operation the federal agents were carrying out or whether anyone in that area was arrested. Images of the vehicles immediately played out on social media and fueled speculation about their activities. The agents declined to say why they were at the stadium when asked by a Times reporter. The vehicles appeared to be staging near the downtown parking lot entrance to the stadium, which was empty Thursday morning except for a small contingent of local media. According to multiple people with knowledge of the situation who were not authorized to speak publicly, agents were denied entry to the Dodger Stadium grounds when they attempted to enter the parking lots. The parking lot is not owned by the Dodgers, but is considered Dodgers property by the team. It is owned by the team's former owner, billionaire Frank McCourt. The team did not immediately respond to a request for comment. The Dodgers have been under pressure since the raids began earlier this month to make a statement in support of immigrants. On Wednesday, the team said it intended to announce plans Thursday to assist the immigrant communities recently impacted in Los Angeles. Singer and social media personality Nezza sang a Spanish version of the national anthem at Dodger Stadium, in an act of protest against the immigration raids, despite being asked by a team employee to sing in English.


New York Post
2 days ago
- New York Post
NY Times accuses Elon Musk of ‘continuing to lash out' at them over drug use report
The New York Times accused Tesla CEO Elon Musk of 'lashing out' against them on Tuesday. In May, the New York Times published a report citing 'private messages' sent to them and 'interviews with more than a dozen people who have known or worked with him' that alleged Musk's drug use was 'more intense' than publicly known as he campaigned with then-candidate Donald Trump in 2024. Advertisement 'Mr. Musk's drug consumption went well beyond occasional use,' the NYT reported. 'He told people he was taking so much ketamine, a powerful anesthetic, that it was affecting his bladder, a known effect of chronic use. He took Ecstasy and psychedelic mushrooms. And he traveled with a daily medication box that held about 20 pills, including ones with the markings of the stimulant Adderall, according to a photo of the box and people who have seen it.' Musk repeatedly denounced the article and called out the Times by posting the results of a recent drug test on his X account on Tuesday. The paper's communications team responded to the results, saying that Musk was 'continuing to lash out' against them and stood by the story. 'Elon Musk is continuing to lash out because he doesn't like our reporting. Nothing that he's said or presented since our article about his drug use during the presidential campaign was published contradicts what we uncovered. We stand by our journalism,' the NY Times Communications account wrote. Advertisement 3 The New York Times accused Tesla CEO Elon Musk of 'lashing out' against them on Tuesday. AFP via Getty Images 3 In May, the Times published a report citing 'private messages' sent to them and 'interviews with more than a dozen people who have known or worked with him' that alleged Musk's drug use was 'more intense' than publicly known. REUTERS The NYT gave the same response after Musk challenged the New York Times and Wall Street Journal to release the results of their own drug tests. 'Great idea. I hereby challenge the NYT and WSJ to take drug tests and publish the results! They won't, because those hypocrites are guilty as sin,' Musk wrote. Advertisement The back-and-forth between the New York Times and Musk has been ongoing since the article was published on May 30. 3 Musk repeatedly denounced the article and called out the Times by posting the results of a recent drug test on his X account on Tuesday. X/elonmusk One day after the story was published, Musk wrote on X that the NYT was 'lying their a– off' and insisted that he had not taken ketamine in years. The NY Times Communications account pushed back on Musk at the time, similarly accusing Musk of 'lashing out' but with 'no evidence.' Advertisement 'Kirsten Grind and Megan Twohey's thoroughly sourced report provides an important and fair look into Musk's drug use and family conflicts. They interviewed a dozen people who have known or worked with him, and saw private text messages, legal documents and photographic evidence,' the NY Times Communications account wrote. 'Elon Musk is just lashing out because he doesn't like our article. We provided Musk with multiple opportunities to reply or rebut this reporting before publication and he declined, opting instead to try to distract with a social post and no evidence.'