Latest news with #softPower
Forbes
3 days ago
- Business
- Forbes
Heed General Mattis' Warning, D.C.: Less Diplomacy Means 'More Ammunition'
In his January Inaugural Address, Donald Trump said, 'We will measure our success not only by the battles we win, but also by the wars that we end, and perhaps most importantly, the wars we never get into.' If that's the president's most crucial foreign policy metric – and it's a good one – then it's hard to understand why Washington is pulling back on investments that have prevented war and promoted peace for decades. Especially when foreign aid accounts for only about one percent of the federal budget, much of it actually spent within the U.S. Every American should hope the White House reconsiders its strategy before it's too late. "If you don't fund the State Department fully, then I need to buy more ammunition" — Former Defense ... More Secretary James Mattis. (Photo by Kevin Dietsch - Pool/Getty Images) In 1947, America did something unique in world history when it launched the Marshall Plan, spending $187 billion in today's dollars to rehabilitate the economies of 17 European countries. Most extraordinary of all, we spent over 20% of those funds on the recovery of our World War II adversaries, Germany and Italy. The plan worked, establishing a stable and prosperous Europe, a network of reliable allies, and a massive market for U.S. companies. Last year, the U.S. exported almost $250 billion of goods alone to Germany, France, Italy, and the Netherlands. This exercise of 'soft power' – which describes the use of foreign aid, diplomacy, and the promotion of American values abroad – turned out to be every bit as consequential to strengthening America and winning the Cold War as our military's 'hard power.' But soft power is on the outs in Washington. Secretary of State Marco Rubio says the administration plans to reduce the Department's staff in the U.S. by 15 percent while closing and consolidating more than 100 bureaus worldwide. At the same time, China now has a larger diplomatic presence worldwide than the U.S. and a massive global infrastructure and investment strategy. Its Belt and Road Initiative is the largest infrastructure project in history, involving more than 140 countries and drawing an increasing number of nations into its orbit. China is rapidly filling the void because the U.S. has vacated its historic and influential presence. On his first day back in office in January 2025, President Trump signed an executive order freezing all foreign aid, including the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR). Since its creation in George W. Bush's administration, PEPFAR has saved more than 25 million lives and prevented millions of HIV infections, including those in America, as the AIDS pandemic has been brought under more control. Although the Trump administration subsequently allowed a waiver for the continued distribution of HIV medicine, many other key aspects of the PEPFAR program are in jeopardy. President Trump has also ordered the closure of Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, which reaches 50 million people each week in places where media freedom doesn't exist. Even Cookie Monster, Oscar, and Elmo are on the chopping block. Less soft power for Elmo: International adaptations of "Sesame Street" have been impacted by cuts in ... More federal funding. Since the early 1970s, Sesame Workshop, the producer of Sesame Street, has collaborated with local broadcasters to develop unique, culturally adapted versions of the show in over 150 countries. These international co-productions often include local languages, characters, and educational priorities, making "Sesame Street" a global neighborhood. Because the Department of Education has cancelled its key grants, Sesame Street has become a dead end in several nations. There's little question that some of the money Washington spent in recent years on foreign aid was wasted or devoted to pet ideological causes. This likely explains why 59% of the public supports reducing foreign aid, even as they vastly overestimate how much America spends on it. (Opinion polls often show Americans believe more than a quarter of the federal budget goes to foreign aid. As stated earlier, the real figure is around 1%.) However, I'd ask my fellow Americans – and our leaders in Washington – to recall something General James Mattis, then commander of the Central Command, said in 2013 about the perils of making reckless cuts to foreign aid and diplomacy. Testifying before Congress, he said, 'If you don't fund the State Department fully, then I need to buy more ammunition. The more that we put into the State Department's diplomacy, hopefully, the less we must put into a military budget as we deal with the outcome of an apparent American withdrawal from the international scene.' To meet President Trump's goal of ending and avoiding wars, Washington can't just slash budgets. It needs a new framework for soft power that prioritizes America's interests and delivers peace through strength. A great place to start would be the new 'Blueprint for How America Wins in the World' from the U.S. Global Leadership Coalition (full disclosure: I am a Vice Chairman at USGLC). I spoke recently to USGLC President Liz Schrayer, one of the sharpest thinkers I know on foreign policy and the exercise of U.S. power. Amid growing threats from China, Russia, and Iran, Liz walked me through several steps America can take to be stronger, safer, and more prosperous, including: Making these soft power investments should appeal to the most hardboiled realists in Washington – and compel the White House to reverse course on some of its proposed aid and diplomacy cuts – because they all make America safer. If we want to stay one step ahead of China, prevent the next pandemic from reaching our shores, keep our borders secure, and grow our economy, America must show up, lead with strength, and make smart investments abroad that deliver on American interests. Otherwise, our service members are going to need more ammunition.
Reuters
4 days ago
- Entertainment
- Reuters
China's online literature expands overseas readership in cultural export push
HONG KONG, June 17 (Reuters) - China counted over a half billion consumers of online literature last year - a record - according to an official report, while the number of overseas users also jumped as authorities promoted the industry as a cultural export and soft power tool. China's online literature, which includes web novels in a variety of genres accessible via smart phones, tablets and e-readers, has seen a boom over the past decade with the number of authors and readers soaring. A report by the Chinese Literature Institute, under the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, said on Sunday that the growth was driven by younger consumers. Readers aged 26 to 45 accounted for half the total readership, the report said. The number of online literature consumers in China grew 10.6% year on year in 2024 to 575 million, or nearly half of all citizens. The number of overseas users, meanwhile, reached 352 million, including readers from more than 200 countries, with the market growing 16.5% year on year to a value of 5.07 billion yuan ($706.12 million). The report called online literature a new channel for "telling Chinese stories well and deepening exchanges and mutual learning among civilisations", adding that it had improved the "country's cultural soft power." Science fiction in particular was developing rapidly, it added. With a growth rate of 180%, Japan was the fastest developing foreign market. Britain, Greece, Spain, Brazil, France and Germany also showed strong growth, it said. Chinese online literature has the largest readership in Asia, which accounts for about 80% of all readers globally and over 50% of global market share by value, the report said. China Literature Ltd ( opens new tab, a leading Chinese online literary reading and writing platform owned by Tencent ( opens new tab, has turned many of its online literature works into television and web series, movies and games. Its Hong Kong-listed shares have climbed 23% so far this year. ($1 = 7.1801 Chinese yuan renminbi)
Arab News
29-05-2025
- Business
- Arab News
The future of American soft power
Power is the ability to get others to do what you want. That can be accomplished by coercion ('sticks'), payment ('carrots') and attraction ('honey'). The first two methods are forms of hard power, whereas attraction is soft power. Soft power grows out of a country's culture, its political values and its foreign policies. In the short term, hard power usually trumps soft power. But over the long term, soft power often prevails. Joseph Stalin once mockingly asked, 'How many divisions does the Pope have?' But the papacy continues today, while Stalin's Soviet Union is long gone. When you are attractive, you can economize on carrots and sticks. If allies see you as benign and trustworthy, they are more likely to be open to persuasion and follow your lead. If they see you as an unreliable bully, they are more likely to drag their feet and reduce their interdependence when they can. Cold War Europe is a good example. A Norwegian historian described Europe as divided into a Soviet and an American empire. But there was a crucial difference: the American side was 'an empire by invitation.' That became clear when the Soviets had to deploy troops to Budapest in 1956 and to Prague in 1968. In contrast, NATO has not only survived but voluntarily increased its membership. A proper understanding of power must include both its hard and soft aspects. Niccolo Machiavelli said it was better for a prince to be feared than to be loved. But it is best to be both. Because soft power is rarely sufficient by itself, and because its effects take longer to realize, political leaders are often tempted to resort to the hard power of coercion or payment. When wielded alone, however, hard power can involve higher costs than when it is combined with the soft power of attraction. The Berlin Wall did not succumb to an artillery barrage; it was felled by hammers and bulldozers wielded by people who had lost faith in communism and were drawn to Western values. If allies see you as benign and trustworthy, they are more likely to be open to persuasion and follow your lead Joseph S. Nye Jr. After the Second World War, the US was by far the most powerful country and it attempted to enshrine its values in what became known as 'the liberal international order' — a framework comprising the UN, the Bretton Woods economic institutions and other multilateral bodies. Of course, the US did not always live up to its liberal values and Cold War bipolarity limited this order to only half the world's people. But the postwar system would have looked very different if the Axis powers had won the Second World War and imposed their values. While prior US presidents have violated aspects of the liberal order, Donald Trump is the first to reject the idea that soft power has any value in foreign policy. Among his first actions upon returning to office was to withdraw from the Paris climate agreement and the World Health Organization, despite the obvious threats that climate change and pandemics pose. The effects of a US administration surrendering soft power are all too predictable. Coercing democratic allies like Denmark or Canada weakens trust in our alliances. Threatening Panama reawakens fears of imperialism throughout Latin America. Crippling the US Agency for International Development — created by President John F. Kennedy in 1961 — undercuts our reputation for benevolence. Silencing Voice of America is a gift to authoritarian rivals. Slapping tariffs on friends makes us appear unreliable. Trying to chill free speech at home undermines our credibility. This list could go on. Trump has defined China as America's great challenge and China itself has been investing in soft power since 2007, when then-President Hu Jintao told the Communist Party of China that the country needed to make itself more attractive to others. But China has long faced two major obstacles in this respect. First, it maintains territorial disputes with multiple neighbors. Second, the party insists on maintaining tight control over civil society. The costs of such policies have been confirmed by public opinion polls that ask people around the world which countries they find attractive. But one can only wonder what these surveys will show in future years if Trump keeps undercutting American soft power. Will America's cultural soft power survive a downturn in the government's soft power over the next four years? Joseph S. Nye Jr. To be sure, American soft power has had its ups and downs over the years. The US was unpopular in many countries during the Vietnam and Iraq wars. But soft power derives from a country's society and culture, as well as from government actions. Even during the Vietnam War, when crowds marched through streets around the world to protest US policies, they sang the American civil rights anthem 'We Shall Overcome.' An open society that allows protest can be a soft power asset. But will America's cultural soft power survive a downturn in the government's soft power over the next four years? American democracy is likely to survive four years of Trump. The country has a resilient political culture and a federal constitution that encourages checks and balances. There is a reasonable chance that Democrats will regain control of the House of Representatives in the 2026 midterm elections. Moreover, civil society remains strong and the courts independent. Many organizations have launched lawsuits to challenge Trump's actions and markets have signaled dissatisfaction with Trump's economic policies. American soft power recovered after low points in the Vietnam and Iraq wars, as well as from a dip in Trump's first term. But once trust is lost, it is not easily restored. After the invasion of Ukraine, Russia lost most of what soft power it had, but China is striving to fill any gaps that Trump creates. The way Chinese President Xi Jinping tells it, the East is rising over the West. If Trump thinks he can compete with China while weakening trust among American allies, asserting imperial aspirations, destroying USAID, silencing Voice of America, challenging laws at home and withdrawing from UN agencies, he is likely to fail. Restoring what he has destroyed will not be impossible, but it will be costly. Copyright: Project Syndicate
Jordan Times
24-05-2025
- Politics
- Jordan Times
Education as Soft Power: Shaping Influence in a Divided World
In an era shaped by globalization, international cooperation, and rapid communication, intercultural dialogue is more urgent than ever. It remains one of the most effective tools for building mutual understanding and bridging divides in an increasingly polarized world. Amid these global shifts, education has stepped into the spotlight—not just as a means of personal advancement but as a powerful lever of soft power. Defined by Harvard's Joseph Nye as the ability to influence others through attraction rather than force, soft power allows nations to shape perceptions through shared values, cultural exchange, and knowledge. The 2024 Global Soft Power Index shows that countries investing in ethical, inclusive education often enjoy stronger international credibility. Yet turning this promise into meaningful impact remains a challenge. In this light, education becomes more than a tool of national influence—it's a bridge connecting cultures, diplomacy, and mutual understanding. At its best, it promotes trust by sharing ideas and values across borders. Beyond coexistence, interculturalism calls for deeper engagement. It encourages respect, challenges assumptions, and nurtures empathy—skills essential for navigating difference while remaining rooted in one's identity. Challenges to Interculturalism in a Multi-Polar World Yet this ideal is under strain. In today's fragmented world, national agendas often assert themselves more aggressively—sometimes tipping into cultural dominance. As Edward Said once warned, cultural imperialism can hide behind noble intentions. Education, once a hopeful bridge-builder, is increasingly caught in this tension. This raises questions: Can education still act as a genuine force for soft power, or is it becoming just another tool of influence? How can interculturalism evolve in modern systems to foster global awareness? And what conditions are needed to ensure education connects, not divides? Expanding the Scope of Soft Power: The Notion of Smart Power As global competition grows, soft power alone may no longer suffice. Its subtlety often lacks the speed or force needed in urgent geopolitical situations. This has led to the rise of 'smart power'—a blend of persuasion and pressure, combining soft influence with economic or strategic tools. Education plays a key role in this shift. Now tied to broader policy aims, it's shaped by diplomacy, national priorities, and emerging technologies like AI. Governments are using AI not only to enhance learning but to influence civic behavior and national identity. Separately, Russian analyst Shabalov has argued that strategies like 'controlled chaos,' 'color revolutions,' and 'cultural hegemony' are being deployed in cultural arenas—including education. While not directly tied to AI, his insights show how learning environments have become front lines in wider battles over influence and perception. Moral Dilemmas of Evolving Strategies This shift brings ethical questions. Can education stay grounded in values like dialogue and trust while also serving strategic aims? As the lines blur, the risk grows that influence overshadows integrity. Yet education's potential remains—if rooted in fairness, transparency, and open exchange, it can still guide global engagement. Education as a Hybrid Tool in Soft and Smart Power Education now blends cultural outreach with strategic goals. Exchange programs still foster understanding, but they also support diplomacy. Governments invest in innovation—especially AI—while using curricula to reinforce civic values and national narratives. These trends show how education can inspire global respect even as it advances domestic priorities. Contradictions and Opportunities So what happens next? Can education evolve without losing its ethical foundation? Can it support national aims and still promote cross-cultural dialogue? And how can we keep it from being co-opted as a tool of manipulation? These questions go beyond education policy—they speak to the core of democratic society. As strategic interests increasingly shape public discourse, education's role as a space for reflection and open exchange has never been more important. Countries with greater resources often dominate education systems and the narratives they promote, sidelining local voices. Western models, seen as universal, can drown out diverse worldviews. Another concern is financial influence. Foreign funding can shape curriculum direction. Confucius Institutes, for example, have been accused of promoting selective narratives and silencing dissent. U.S.-backed exchanges face similar criticism. These programs aim to build goodwill—but may embed ideological agendas. This financial reliance can compromise academic integrity. Universities dependent on international donors may feel pressured to align with those interests. In the U.S., controversial donations have sparked debate about freedom of thought and institutional independence. The line between partnership and compromise can blur. In 2022, the University of Helsinki ended its Confucius Institute partnership due to concerns about censorship and ties to the Chinese government. The move reflected wider fears over academic freedom and politicized learning. Education is also part of the global fight against disinformation. In the UK, the Open Information Partnership works with schools to teach media literacy. Across the Arab world, ALECSO supports efforts to protect cultural integrity and challenge misinformation. But this strategy has a double edge. As education enters the information war, the line between cultural diplomacy and propaganda grows blurry. While every country has the right to protect its national interests—especially from foreign interference—this must be balanced with efforts to promote digital literacy, critical thinking, and open inquiry. These tools help learners engage globally while upholding academic freedom and mutual respect. The Way Forward Looking ahead, education must stay anchored to its core values. That means protecting academic freedom, using AI ethically, and promoting global citizenship through equity, openness, and trust. If done right, education can still shape a better world—not just by informing minds, but by connecting them. By Razan B. Nweiran | Policy Researcher in Global Education and Diplomacy
Times
23-05-2025
- Entertainment
- Times
King Charles's mission in Canada: deliver ‘soft power with impact'
From hockey matches to a public procession through the capital, the King's visit to Canada will mark an important moment in the country's history. A palace source described the visit as 'a diplomatic tight rope' but one that Charles 'knows how to walk'. And the mission? To deliver 'soft power with significant impact'. The world's media and no fewer than four sketch artists will be there to capture the raison d'être of the trip: the King's speech, delivered from a throne that was carved from a walnut tree grown in Windsor Great Park. Canadians believe that Charles's presence, accompanied by military honours and gun salutes for the King of Canada, will send a 'powerful' message that Canada is not, and never will be, America's 51st
