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Telegraph
an hour ago
- Politics
- Telegraph
The grooming gang scandal isn't just about race, it's also about class
Public outrage over the grooming gang scandal has so far revolved almost entirely around its racial dimension. There can be absolutely no doubt that the suppression of crucial facts because they might have incited prejudice against an ethnic minority was unforgivable, and that the ramifications of what we now know must be ruthlessly examined. There are serious questions about the possibility (or impossibility) of successful multiculturalism that can no longer be avoided. All this is clear and it will be discussed, with its huge implications, exhaustively – because race and the coexistence of different ethnicities within a democratic country are the great topics of the day. What is receiving far less attention – perhaps because it is so much a part of the fabric of British social attitudes as to be nearly invisible – is the question of how the victims of this systematic abuse could have been treated by official authorities with such callous indifference. Let's put it plainly: the fact that huge numbers of white working-class girls could be trafficked, tortured and horrifically abused with the conscious complicity of agencies of the state is not entirely due to sensitivities about the ethnicity of the perpetrators. There is another factor here that is much older and more deeply embedded in British attitudes than the fashionable concern with racial politics. Most of these girls, now being described as 'vulnerable', are of a class and a social type that this country was accustomed to treating with contempt long before Pakistani men were said to have regarded them as whores because they appeared 'uncovered' in public. This supposed explanation, which is presented as a kind of apologia – it was all just a form of cultural misunderstanding – is ridiculous of course. The men knew perfectly well that what they were doing was criminal and relied on local networks of corruption to protect them. But what about the other matter? What about the police and the local authorities and the social care agencies who just preferred to ignore what was happening – or even, in some outrageous instances, to join in the persecution of the victims? Was that entirely due to the fear of raising racial tensions? Or could it be that Britain still has some pretty ugly class prejudices which permit those in charge to dismiss the complaints and protests of the kind of people who are considered beneath contempt? There is something about the hardhearted dismissiveness with which the girls' pleas for help were treated that is almost Dickensian. Many of those who heard them and saw what was happening were presumably quite normal and respectable, perhaps with families (maybe daughters) of their own. What made it possible for them to discount a category of helpless young girls as – what? Not fit for sympathy? Incapable of leading decent lives, anyway? In effect, less than human? Yes, there had to be more to this than the fear of arousing racial tensions or alienating a minority ethnic group. You cannot write off a whole tranche of victims whose safety is your legal (and moral) responsibility unless you believe that they are, somehow, not worth protecting. Did they tell themselves that the girls had 'asked for it', joined in with the drug taking, made themselves available, become the 'whores' that the men assumed them to be? That is the sort of thing that has been said for generations about poor girls who found themselves left to the streets, whom the Victorian reformers and the Evangelical Christian Church once set out to save in the face of traditional smug complacency. This is such a well documented phenomenon in English social history that it is scarcely credible that it could survive intact into the 21st century. But here it is, in a new incarnation. It is not preposterous to suggest that the race issue was just another pretext for the old snobbery that has always condemned girls of this kind to be social outcasts. Ironically, they were being disowned by people who probably regarded themselves as Left-wing. There is something peculiarly resilient about class attitudes in Britain. It remains the undercurrent for most social transactions (and almost all comedy), political behaviour and professional advancement. Of course every sophisticated society has some kind of hierarchical social order and codes of behaviour that are dictated by it. In many of the old European countries – even ones that have dispensed with their aristocracies – it is based on inherited family position. Sometimes (as in Italy) it is connected to regions. In the United States, race took the place of class as the great social barrier but within the white population it was primarily wealth that provided status, not breeding and, until very recently, the wealth that was most admirable was self-made. The Calvinist ideal of success by one's individual effort was the admired model, not the noblesse oblige of an inherited fortune. For the longest time, Americans did not openly acknowledge the existence of what we would call a 'class system'. There were just the 'poor' who needed to work harder so that they could fulfil the American dream, and those who had fulfilled the dream and become richer. It was a ruthless, puritanical assumption that largely ignored the variations in advantages that are (supposedly) taken into account by an older, more established hierarchy. Many would argue that the resilience of class divides in British life should not be blamed entirely on middle-class prejudice: that it is as much a function of working-class solidarity. The reassurance of community ties and common values may make the abandonment of your old roots a frightening and painful thing. There can be little doubt that the existential anxiety that permeates American life with its relentless pressure for social mobility is not enviable. So yes, there is something to be said for loyalty to family, roots and neighbourhood – a refusal to budge from the attitudes in which you were raised. That can seem like a justifiable moral stand and a safe harbour for life. But where does it end? With a road to nowhere and such incurable hopelessness that huge numbers of working-class girls (and boys) can be discarded without a qualm.


Telegraph
4 days ago
- Politics
- Telegraph
The grooming gangs report exposes the moral cowardice of officialdom
SIR – Now we know who has paid the price for multiculturalism: the white girls exploited by grooming gangs, whose pleas for help went unheeded by those who feared being viewed as racist (report, June 17). The refusal to face reality must be rooted out of the police, local and national politics, and all elements of officialdom. The multicultural experiment has been disastrous, allowing the maintenance of distinct, sometimes alien, cultures and parallel societies. It should be abandoned in favour of integration, requiring the acceptance of core British values: free speech and the rule of law. John Hicks Manchester SIR – Nick Timothy (Commentary, June 17) is right to describe these crimes as 'racially and religiously aggravated rape'. Just as officials were unwilling to register the ethnicity of the perpetrators because they feared being seen as racist, so they continue to refer to 'Asian men' instead of making clear that this behaviour reflected an extreme form of Islam that treats women as inferior and despises those who do not follow the religion. Annabel Burton Cheltenham, Gloucestershire SIR – When I became the police and crime commissioner of the Thames Valley in 2013, the excellent chief constable, Sara Thornton, had initiated a criminal investigation into essentially Pakistani grooming gangs in Banbury and Oxford. The push-back from social services was extraordinary. But despite the lack of cooperation by the very services that should have been protecting the underage girls, the prosecutions were successful, and heavy sentences resulted. It was clear that, if this was happening in Thames Valley, it would also be going on in conurbations in the Midlands and the North. Again there was a push-back against this suggestion. Dame Louise Casey, who visited me, understands this. The fact that not a single major grooming gang prosecution has taken place in London also needs some explaining. Anthony Stansfeld Kintbury, Berkshire SIR – After my retirement more than a decade ago, I did some voluntary work at our local library. In a quiet period I found a book called Girl A, by Anonymous. I took it out. I found that I could not read more than one chapter per day. It was the first published account of child rape gangs written by one of the victims. It should be compulsory reading for all politicians and other authorities who will now be called on to address this issue without the suppression of inconvenient truths. Howard Phillips London SW20


Daily Mail
14-06-2025
- Politics
- Daily Mail
Pauline Hanson says she's 'never said anything racist' as she blasts state premier in fiery interview
has denied ever being a racist in a heated interview where she also offered her premier a dire warning. The One Nation Senator said Queensland Premier David Crisafulli had taken her party for granted after she helped him secure a win at the last state election. Senator Hanson, 71, provided the Liberal National Party with 11 seats, due to her party's preferences, to secure Crisafulli's win over Labor in October. Without those seats he would never have won and she said the premier should thank her. 'He didn't even call,' she told the Courier Mail on Saturday. She added that her allegiance was not a certainty, especially if she feels taken advantage of or sidelined. Senator Hanson also rebuked any claims that she had ever been racist in the past like many others label her. While her comments are sometimes seen as radical, the senator believes most of them have since become mainstream and so therefore they were not racist. The Senator slammed her premier David Crisafulli for never thanking her after she helped secure his win at the last election Senator Hanson said she had 'copped a lot of abuse' over her explosive language but it had all been worth it in the end. 'If you look back at what I've said over the years there is nothing I've said that is racist,' she said. 'To be racist is to believe that one race is superior to another, which I have never done.' Instead she said her comments were intended to spark debate on the topics of immigration and multiculturalism. When leaders around the world, including former Prime Minister John Howard, started critiquing the same subjects Senator Hanson said she felt vindicated. Regardless of the negative comments surrounding her she said none of it mattered after One Nation picked up another two Senate seats at the last election. One person who Senator Hanson said was offensive was Pauline Pantsdown, a drag queen performer who parodies her. Senator Hanson said the performer was 'a horrible person' who has made and is still making derogatory comments about her. Senator Hanson said she intends to quit politics when the time is right unlike Bob Katter who is still serving at the age of 79 Meanwhile, Warwick Stacey in New South Wales and Tyron Whitten, in Western Australia, were also both able to secure seats in the 2025 Australian Federal Election. They joined Senator Hanson, who won re-election in 2022, and Senator Malcolm Roberts in parliament. Together they have vowed to fight against net zero policies, immigration volumes and free speech. Despite her party's successes Senator Hanson has said she had no desire to remain in politics forever. Unlike Bob Katter, 79, who has held his seat in Queensland's north for decades, Senator Hanson said she would quit when the time is right.


Arab News
11-06-2025
- Politics
- Arab News
Sadiq Khan, son of Pakistani immigrants, receives knighthood from King Charles
ISLAMABAD: London Mayor Sadiq Khan, the son of Pakistani immigrants, was awarded a knighthood by King Charles III for public service, a recognition he described on Tuesday as a 'truly humbling moment' for himself and his family. Khan, who grew up on a council estate in Tooting, south London, is the son of a bus driver and a seamstress. A trained human rights lawyer, he made history in 2016 by becoming the first Muslim mayor of London, and was re-elected for a third term last year, a rare feat in British politics. His trajectory from modest beginnings to high office has often been cited as emblematic of London's multiculturalism and opportunity. 'The London promise: if you work hard, and get a helping hand, you can achieve anything,' Khan posted on X. 'Immensely proud to receive a knighthood from His Majesty The King. Growing up on a council estate in Tooting, I never imagined I'd one day receive this great honor while serving as Mayor.' 'It's a truly humbling moment for myself & my family, & one I hope inspires others to believe in the opportunities our great capital offers,' he added. 'I'll forever be honored to serve the city I love – & will continue to do all I can to build a fairer, safer, greener London for everyone.' The London promise: if you work hard, and get a helping hand, you can achieve anything. Immensely proud to receive a knighthood from His Majesty The King. Growing up on a council estate in Tooting, I never imagined I'd one day receive this great honour while serving as Mayor. — Sadiq Khan (@SadiqKhan) June 10, 2025 53-year-old Khan has built a reputation as an outspoken advocate for progressive causes, including climate action, affordable housing and inclusivity, often clashing with national-level Conservative leaders. Despite political headwinds, he remains broadly popular in one of the world's most diverse cities. In 2018, Pakistan awarded him the Sitara-e-Pakistan, the country's third-highest civilian award, in recognition of his efforts to strengthen UK-Pakistan relations and promote community cohesion.

News.com.au
10-06-2025
- Politics
- News.com.au
Sydney preacher taken to court over alleged anti-Semitic speech
A Muslim preacher is being sued by Australia's peak Jewish body over alleged anti-Semitic speeches in which he allegedly described Jewish people as 'vile' and 'treacherous'. Wissam Haddad, also known as Abu Ousayd, is being taken to the Federal Court by the Executive Council of Australian Jewry (ECAJ) over a series of lectures he gave in November 2023. A three-day hearing in Sydney's Federal Court is set to begin on Tuesday. Recordings of the speeches made at the Bankstown centre, which allegedly included derogatory generalisations about Jewish people, such as descriptions of them as 'vile' and 'treacherous' people, were uploaded online. The proceedings have been brought by ECAJ co-chief executive Peter Wertheim AM and deputy president Robert Goot AO SC, who claim Mr Haddad breached the Racial Discrimination Act 1975. Mr Wertheim said they previously attempted 'in good faith' to resolve the matter through the Australian Human Rights Commission, but a conciliated resolution could not be achieved. 'Accordingly, we have commenced proceedings in the Federal Court,' he said. 'Australia has long enjoyed a reputation as a multicultural success story where people of many different faiths and ethnic backgrounds have for the most part lived in harmony and mutual respect.' Mr Wertheim added that all Australians were 'free to observe our faith and traditions within the bounds of Australian law'. 'Maintaining and strengthening social cohesion is the role of governments and government agencies, but lately they have failed us,' he said. 'It should not fall on our community, or any other community, to take private legal action. However, in the circumstances we feel we have no alternative.'