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The Hindu
4 hours ago
- Politics
- The Hindu
Of two contesting models of social justice
Recently, in village in Bhojpur district, Bihar, which is dominated by Most Backward Castes (MBC), I heard a sohar (birth song) sung by a few unlettered women. It goes, 'Babua hamar DM hoyihe, okara upar CM hoyihe (My son will become a District Magistrate and he will also become Chief Minister)'. I also heard a slogan during a political rally in Sasaram town, which goes, 'Vote se lenge CM, PM, Aarakshan se lenge Collector, DM (I will become Chief Minister with votes and District Magistrate with reservation)'. Both these expressions reflect aspirations for social justice. They also show how the aspirations of backward communities becomes the essence of their politics. Together, these anecdotes illustrate how social justice is the driving force in grassroots development and politics in Bihar. In north India, for several centuries, the Bhakti movement challenged social hierarchies and promoted equality and inclusivity. But the road to social justice has nevertheless been long and fraught. Leaders such as Mahatma Gandhi, B.R. Ambedkar, Mahatma Phule, and Ram Manohar Lohia have had their own visions and versions of social justice; these various imaginations continue to co-exist in India. While in most parts of India, the social justice discourse remains mostly centred around Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, in Bihar the most dominant social justice discourse is of Other Backward Classes (OBCs). According to the Bihar caste survey of 2023, OBCs and Extremely Backward Classes comprise more than 63% of State's population. This is not new — Bihar politics has always been largely dominated by OBC politics. OBC communities, particularly the Yadavs, Kurmis, and Koirees, began emerging as lower and middle peasants due to various land-based reforms implemented in both pre-independent and independent India. The leaders of these three communities formed the Triveni Sangh in 1934 and began asserting their voice for political representation. Other leaders echoed the aspirations of OBC communities in later years as well. Apart from the OBC social justice discourse, Bihar has other social justice models, which can be loosely categorised as Gandhian, Congressi, Nehruwadi, Ambedkarite, Lohiyaite, and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led social justice model (samgra samajik nyay model). Bihar is set to go to polls later this year. I have found during my fieldwork that the contest is set to take place primarily between two models. The first is the social justice model crafted by selective interpretations of the views of Ambedkar and Lohia. It emphasises caste-based historical inequality. The propagators of this model are Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) chief Lalu Prasad, RJD leader Tejashwi Yadav, and Congress leader Rahul Gandhi. The RJD and Congress are part of the Mahagathbandhan. This model appears to be unilinear as it focuses on the demand for a caste census and the extension of reservations. The second is the samgra samajik nyay model. It combines the arguments of caste-based historical inequality with other forms of horizontal social inequalities that emerged during the process of distribution of democratic resources. The BJP, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, promotes this model, which combines the visions of Swami Vivekananda, Deendayal Upadhyaya, and Ambedkar. In Mr. Modi's book Samajik Samrasata, we may find the traces of the evolution of this model of social justice. This model combines historical injustices with developmental injustices. It tries to address vertical and horizontal injustices faced by marginal communities. Social justice appears to be a multi-pronged strategy to counter backwardness of various forms. Countering caste-based injustice is tied to beneficiary politics, which refers to the use of government welfare programmes and benefits for targeted communities. Beneficiary politics emerged through the implementation of various social support schemes for backward castes, Dalits, Adivasis, and women. Thus, both the alliances have two different yet overlapping social justice models. The difference is that the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance has a few advantages. Both Mr. Modi and Chief Minister Nitish Kumar enjoy a positive image. On the other hand, the Mahagathbandhan is represented by Mr. Lalu Prasad, whose regime was perceived as corrupt. The image of Deputy Chief Minister Tejashwi Yadav as a popular youth leader does not seem to have served as a counter-balance yet. And the benefit of the caste census, which the RJD-led Opposition was advocating, has been minimised by the Union government's announcement of a caste enumeration in the Census. Badri Narayan is Director, Govind Ballabh Pant Social Science Institute
Indian Express
16 hours ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
Does RJD have a Dalit problem? As Lalu Prasad faces fire, why his party has so few SC faces
In 1969, a young Lalu Prasad, then a student at Patna University, participated in his first political rally led by socialist leader Shivanand Tiwari to protest against the Shankaracharya's alleged derogatory remarks about Dalits, effectively starting his political career by taking up the cause of the community. Over five-and-a-half decades later, the RJD chief and former Bihar Chief Minister finds himself at the centre of a controversy for allegedly 'insulting' Dr B R Ambedkar by placing his portrait on the floor during his birthday celebrations on June 11. Lalu, during his almost six-decade political career, has traversed from being an OBC (Other Backward Classes) voice against the Congress's dominant upper-caste politics to a socialist leader in 1990, when he championed the cause of the 'garib gurba (poor people)' during his first term as CM between 1990 and 1995. 'He began his politics by taking up the Dalit cause. Since then, he has risen in politics and cultivated his support base. Years later, he still remains a big force in the state's politics,' Tiwari told The Indian Express, adding that the BJP's love for Ambedkar was 'newfound and purely driven by politics'. Lalu's politics saw a marked shift after the 1995 Assembly polls, as he began cultivating an exclusive Muslim-Yadav support base. After he stepped down as CM over his alleged involvement in the fodder scam and his wife Rabri Devi took over in 1997, the RJD began sporting a more Muslim-Yadav look with the presence of some upper-caste leaders such as former MPs Raghuvansh Prasad Singh, Jagdanand Singh (who recently stepped down as RJD state president), and Prabhunath Singh. By the time the Assembly polls of 2000 approached, Lalu's politics had completed its three-tier shift from 'Mandalisation' to 'secularisation' to 'Yadavaisation'. The RJD chief also tried to cultivate the support of Dalits, who form 19.65% of the state's population, by making Ramai Ram, a Dalit leader from Muzaffarpur who had joined the RJD in 2000, the party's state president. 'It (Ram's appointment) was mere tokenism as Muslims and Yadavs continued to be the core voter base of the RJD after the 2000 Assembly polls, which saw the party field many candidates from the two communities. It was difficult for Lalu to consolidate Dalit voters as by that time (LJP founder) Ram Vilas Paswan emerged as the main stakeholder of the Paswan community while the Ravidas community was firmly behind the Congress and continues to be,' said political analyst Sanjay Kumar. Though Lalu's son and former Deputy CM Tejashwi Prasad Yadav has renewed the party's push to consolidate Dalit votes with this 'inclusive politics' pitch since taking over ahead of the 2020 Assembly polls, prominent RJD leaders from the community have either quit the party or have been lying low. For instance, former Speaker Uday Narayan Choudary has been out of the spotlight while former minister Shyam Rajak left the RJD last August. Of the 76 RJD MLAs, only six are from Scheduled Caste (SC) communities. As the video of the alleged insult went viral, the NDA lapped up the opportunity to target the RJD chief, who was issued a notice by the Bihar State Commission for Scheduled Castes on June 13. A day later, Deputy CM Samrat Choudhary criticised Lalu, as did Union Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan on June 16. The National Commission for Scheduled Castes issued a notice to the former CM on June 19. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, during his address in Siwan on Friday, targeted the RJD chief. 'The RJD has no respect for Dalits and OBCs. They insult Baba Saheb … I know these people will never apologise, because they have no respect for Dalits and the backward classes in their hearts. The RJD and Congress put Baba Saheb's picture at their feet, Modi keeps him in his heart … The people of Bihar will never forget this insult,' he said. The RJD said the allegations had been 'stretched beyond imagination'. 'The PM tried to take a dig at our national president but forgot that last December, the Union Home Minister (Amit Shah) made a very indecent comment on Ambedkar during his Rajya Sabha address. Don't Shah's comments amount to trivialising and disrespecting Ambedkar? The PM's silence speaks volumes about his insincerity towards the principles and values Baba Saheb stood for,' RJD Rajya Sabha MP Manoj Kumar Jha told The Indian Express.¯
News18
12-06-2025
- Politics
- News18
Bihar Elections 2025: Who Gains, Who Loses If AAP Contests On All 243 Seats?
Curated By : Satyaki Baidya Translation Desk Last Updated: June 12, 2025, 18:17 IST AAP is reportedly eyeing urban and young voters, traditionally seen as the support base of the RJD and Congress. (PTI/File) In a move that could reshape the dynamics of the upcoming Bihar Assembly Elections 2025, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has announced it will contest all 243 seats on its own. Once a part of the opposition INDIA bloc, AAP's decision to go solo is expected to add a new twist to the state's political equation, potentially affecting the fortunes of both the ruling NDA and the opposition alliance. Political experts note that despite AAP's limited support base in Bihar and its underwhelming performance in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections—where it contested a few of the 40 seats without securing any wins—the party's decision to contest all 243 assembly seats signals its growing ambitions and intent to expand its political footprint. AAP national convener Arvind Kejriwal said, 'We will go among the people in Bihar on issues like education, health, and electricity." The party is reportedly eyeing urban and young voters, traditionally seen as the support base of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and Congress. Which Alliance Stands To Lose From Kejriwal's Move? According to political commentators, AAP's move could hurt the INDIA alliance, which includes the RJD, Congress, and Left parties. RJD's core vote base in Bihar comprises Yadavs, Muslims, and Dalits, while Congress holds sway in some urban and Dalit constituencies. Many have expressed that AAP's presence may divide these votes—particularly in closely contested seats—ultimately benefiting the NDA. In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the INDIA bloc won 9 seats in Bihar, while the NDA secured 30. Experts note that if AAP cuts into the RJD and Congress vote share, it could directly benefit the BJP and Janata Dal (United). Which Alliance Can Benefit? Political experts believe that AAP's decision could indirectly benefit the NDA. The NDA's strength in Bihar comes from the alliance of BJP, JDU, Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), and Hindustani Awam Morcha (HAM). In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the NDA secured 52% of the vote share, while the INDIA alliance got 42%. According to political analyst Yashwant Deshmukh, 'Voting in Bihar is based on arithmetic. If the NDA remains united, it is difficult to defeat it." Experts note that the division of opposition votes due to AAP's presence may make it easier for the NDA to win. Swipe Left For Next Video View all Political commentators argue that AAP's decision to contest all seats is a risky move, given Bihar's political landscape shaped by complex caste equations and the dominance of strong regional parties. According to experts, while AAP's Delhi model may resonate with urban voters, regional parties like the RJD and JDU maintain deep-rooted influence in rural areas. Analysts further suggest that even if AAP secures 5–10% of the vote, it could significantly damage the INDIA bloc's prospects. Many believe that while AAP's strategy may help the party position itself as a long-term alternative in Bihar, the immediate impact is likely to hurt the INDIA alliance the most. Commentators point out that a division in opposition votes could ultimately strengthen the NDA's position. All eyes are now on how Bihar's electorate responds and how effective AAP's campaign proves to be on the ground. News elections Bihar Elections 2025: Who Gains, Who Loses If AAP Contests On All 243 Seats?
The Wire
09-06-2025
- Politics
- The Wire
Are Election Malpractices Undermining India's Claims of Being ‘the World's Biggest Democracy'?
For the best experience, open on your mobile browser or Download our App. Next Support independent journalism. Donate Now Politics Santosh Mehrotra and Jagdeep Chhokar 8 minutes ago Several methods have emerged in which the will of the people can be dishonoured. Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty Real journalism holds power accountable Since 2015, The Wire has done just that. But we can continue only with your support. Contribute Now In recent years, the election process in India has been converted into one party's fiefdom. Two sets of methods have been weaponised to subvert the verdict of the people, which are adopted at each stage of the electoral voting system. They are used before voting day, or on the voting day, and after the voting day. We discuss each in turn. Before voting day There are at least three methods used to unfairly impact election results before voting day. First, through electoral rolls or voter lists, which see a selective deletion of voter names from a list. Reports essay the deletion of Yadavs or Muslims in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. In Delhi, the removal of jhuggi-jhopri (slum resident) voters' names was alleged to be a factor that is likely to have led to the defeat of Arvind Kejriwal's Aam Aadmi Party. Names from voter lists were allegedly deleted ahead of the Delhi elections, as well as Maharashtra state elections. Both occurred in quick succession after the Lok Sabha polls. This is an age-old method which has now been taken to new heights. The founders of Missing Voters, a smartphone app to track disenfranchised voters in India, estimated that nearly 120 million citizens were missing from voter lists in the 2019 national election. More than half of those disenfranchised citizens were Muslims or lower-caste Dalits – minorities who would, put together, normally constitute less than a third of the country's population. Women are also disproportionately affected: the political scientists Prannoy Roy and Dorab Sopariwala calculated in their book released in 2023 that, on average, approximately 40,000 female voters are missing from the electoral rolls in every constituency in India, a number often higher than the winning margin in many Lower House electoral contests. A National Register of Citizens (NRC) in Assam had declared 1.9 million people potentially stateless, and while Hindus in the list have been promised their paperwork through a new Citizenship Amendment Act, Muslims are left to face detention, and potentially even deportation. Members of the ruling party have promised to expand the NRC across India, sending some Muslims in big cities running to gather their documents lest they need to prove their citizenship to the government. A 2018 study published in the Economic and Political Weekly found that in the May state elections in Karnataka that year, an estimated 1.2 million Muslims were not able to vote – a number that suggested Muslims were disproportionately missing from the electoral rolls. The study was conducted by comparing single-voter households in the state with record population data. The root cause behind the voter registration manipulation is Rule 18 of the Registration of Electors Rules, 1960, which allows for deletion of voter data without notice or an opportunity to be heard by the affected citizen. At the EC's assurance, the Supreme Court also disposed of a PIL which challenged the constitutional validity of Rule 18. This has clearly contributed to what many allege are large-scale deletion or addition of votes just before the elections in Maharashtra. It is not difficult to see why Muslims, Christians, Dalits and Adivasis would be the main targets for this electoral roll purge. For the 2019 Lok Sabha election, India had nearly 900 million registered voters and there have been reports of mass deletion of names from voters' lists from Assam, Andhra Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Karnataka, Uttarakhand and Delhi. The ECI has denied this. The outcome of such disenfranchisement of minorities is already visible: The 18th Lok Sabha (2024) has the lowest share of Muslim MPs in six decades. Less than 5% of its members currently are Muslims despite people from the community forming over 15% of the country's population. In fact, the decline in the share of the Muslim MPs in the Lok Sabha, in the 1990s, coincided with the rise of the BJP, whose total MP tally crossed the 100 mark for the first time in the 10th Lok Sabha (1991-96). Across India's 28 states, Muslims hold roughly 6% of the seats in state legislatures, which is less than half of their national population percentage. The representation of Christians is no better. The second method is to pay voters cash – bribery on a large scale. Small sums have now increased. The ruling party's hold of funds accumulated through the electoral bonds scheme was enormous. The SC judgment came five years too late, when the money had already been collected, and when the judgment did come, it did not require forfeiture of funds collected over the five years that the scheme was in operation. The ECI says it seized nearly half a billion dollars of cash. As cited by NPR, the last available survey, conducted years ago by Association of Democratic Reforms, suggested it plays a role for nearly 40% of voters. The higher capacity to pay is with the biggest political party, of course. A third method has recently emerged: to insert travelling voters of one party from other states (with duplicate identity cards) to polling booths in a state where elections are taking place, by duplicating Electronic Photo Identity Card (EPIC) numbers across states. This method was used, allegedly in Maharashtra and Delhi, to general acceptance. In Bengal, there was political upheaval over this. The ECI's response was: 'In this regard, it is clarified that while EPIC numbers of some of the electors may be identical, the other details, including demographic details, Assembly Constituency, and polling booth, are different for the electors with the same EPIC number.' The matter has rested there. These methods supplement a long-standing method that has been to physically prevent anti-government voters from coming out to vote – using state police force. The Ramgarh case in Uttar Pradesh is a classic and prevented the popular leader of the Samajwadi Party, Azam Khan, from being elected. After voting day (but before counting day) We now turn to the king of the insidious deeds being committed in cahoots with the ECI. But before we do that it is important to establish how the appointments of ECI members have been 'used' by the ruling government. Originally, the three members were to be selected from a list finalised by three people: the prime minister, the leader of the opposition, and the Chief Justice of India (CJI). That rule was changed by the ruling dispensation. In doing so, the government ignored a November 2023 judgement of the Supreme Court and passed a law in contravention of the court's conclusions by removing the CJI from the appointments committee, and replacing it with a cabinet member nominated by the Union government. This tilted the balance irreversibly in favour of the political executive of the day. The importance of this development will be seen below. To understand how this second set of methods has been used to subvert the electoral verdict of the people, it is important to explain the EVM system. To make the EVM system auditable and voter-verifiable, the Supreme Court had, in 2013, ordered introduction of Voter-Verified-Paper Audit Trail (or VVPATs). But in violation of Supreme Court order, the ECI, in February 2018 directed State Chief Electoral Officers to mandatorily verify VVPAT slips in only one randomly selected polling station in each assembly constituency. There is no statistical basis for this choice. This 0.3% sample size defeated the objective of installing VVPATs in all EVMs. The ECI in later hearings before the same court has stuck to its guns, and days before the April-May 2024 Lok Sabha polls were to begin, the SC accepted, without any basis, the ECI's plea that this sample size is sufficient. There are hardly any countries in the world that have adopted EVMs on the scale on which they have been used in India, for all types of elections. EVMs are nowhere the norm, in the world, certainly not for national elections (though several countries use it for local elections, which have reliable means of auditing EVM vote, especially in the US). We believe that if the EVM is to be continued to be used in India, the only possible way it should be allowed to continue is if the vote is verified by a paper trail in 100% of cases. Now let us turn to the ECI's purported methods for subverting the voter's vote as cast. The absence of a paper trail has enabled the insertion of votes in various constituencies by the hiking of vote percentages in all phases of polling. ECI announces only percent of votes cast (from among the eligible voters in a constituency), not the number of votes cast – violating the Representation of the People Act, which requires numbers of votes cast to be made public; accordingly, if the number of eligible voters is also made known, anyone can estimate the percentage. ECI is then free to announce, before the day of counting of the votes, a much higher percentage of votes cast – which are bogus votes. A study by the Vote for Democracy after the Lok Sabha elections 2024, concluded that 79 seats were won by the now ruling party, largely, on the basis of this method. It happened in the Lok Sabha elections to the extent of 55 million votes – that turned the election in constituencies that were marginal (i.e. where the margin of victory in the last election was small). Another study by the Association of Democratic Rights came to a similar conclusion about the total number of votes first announced by ECI, and then later enhanced before counting day. That essentially implies that voter names loaded onto EVM are of voters that did not vote and after polls closed – with ECI officers in collusion. This is what Congress's Rahul Gandhi has alleged for Maharashtra, that there were 6.5 million new voters added between 5.30 pm and 7.30 pm. There are stunning increases (7 to 12%) between the figures of votes polled and made available immediately after polls and before counting in the 2024 Lok Sabha. The same meticulous game appear to have been played in the elections to the state assemblies of Haryana and Maharashtra in 2024, where there was little likelihood of the sitting government being re-elected back to power – so great was the anti-incumbency. In addition, the ECI has played yet another game. At the end of polling on election day the ECI is required to provide 17-C forms – which can enable a candidate (or anyone) to verify the actual votes polled. This is to be provided to all candidates and their agents and also made public, but the ECI has not done so of late, except in a minority of cases. Is the EVM reliable? The EVM-centred electoral system has four critical components – microchips to record the votes as cast by the voter, VVPATs to audit and verify that the votes are counted as recorded, the voters' list and Symbol Loading Units (SLUs) that upload the name and symbol of the candidates contesting on a particular seat on VVPAT or paper trail machines roughly 10-15 days before. This change came in 2017. The fact that post 2017, the EVS (electronic voting system) is no more stand-alone but linked to the internet with the SLU having a labile memory has made the system susceptible to manipulation. The integrity of the microchips in the SLU is suspect because very few from the ECI, government and directors on the board of public sector undertakings BEL and ECIL (with known links with the ruling party) know about their design and source. The EVM contains multiple labile (i.e. writable) memories that records each vote as it is cast. The presence of labile memory implies that those values can be manipulated if access is available in any manner, externally. Some manipulations may not leave any trace and will not be visible in a forensic investigation. SLUs are not subject to any security protocol. The SLU is not, after or before election, stored in the strong-room. In other words here is another method for ensuring results can be manipulated. In July 2023, Sabyasachi Das of Ashoka University published a research paper called 'Democratic Backsliding in the World's Largest Democracy' which outlined two manipulations in detail that were carried out in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. 1) Registration manipulation, which is the padding of the electoral roll. By adding and deleting voters strategically. By manufacturing fake voters, most, if not all, of whom vote for the BJP. 2) Turnout manipulation, which is the addition of voter tallies after the polls have closed-most, if not all, of whom vote for the BJP Examples were given, claims supported. Soon thereafter Ashoka University was raided and given a strict warning by the government. Das was forced to quit. Linking Aadhaar with the Voter ID could also facilitate 'registration manipulation' causing mass disenfranchisement. This linkage could well be the cause for the current controversy concerning duplicate EPIC numbers which has been raised by Bengal's Trinamool Congress and admitted by the ECI. Finally, there is always the possibility of toppling the government already formed by buying out the MLA or MP. Over the period 2015 to 2024 as many as 10 state governments led by opposition parties were toppled by the ruling party government at the Union. This is done by simply buying the MLAs of the state ruling party, with the goal of making them support the party with the largest financial ability to buy MLAs. The defence of the ruling party is that this method has historically been adopted for a long time. However, the moot question here is: the use of the Enforcement Directorate, CBI and state police has been well demonstrated over the last decade. When the opposition complains about post-2024 election losses in state elections, as in Haryana, Maharashtra or Delhi, the defence of the ruling party is that they lost in Haryana and Maharashtra, so the opposition complains. They don't complain about Jharkhand. What is forgotten by those defending this response is the following fact, which turns out to be of singular importance: Haryana and Maharashtra were ruled by BJP, so the opposition is alleging state government-enabled fraud. This was not so easily possible in Jharkhand as the government belonged to an opposition party. Santosh Mehrotra was professor of Economics at JNU. Jagdeep Chhokhar was an IIM professor and is the founder of the Association of Democratic Rights. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments. Politics 'Prove it': Rahul Gandhi Doubles Down on Rigging Allegations After ECI's Unsigned Rebuttal View More
The Hindu
04-06-2025
- General
- The Hindu
3 injured in attack on Dalit wedding procession in U.P.'s Amroha; caste abuse alleged
At least three people were injured on Tuesday (June 3, 2025) after a wedding procession by members of a Dalit community was pelted with stones and hit with rods and sticks in Rahdra village in Amroha, Uttar Pradesh. Two daughters of Rampal, a local belonging to the Jatav (Dalit) community, were getting married. Of the two wedding processions on Monday, the first was from Hasanpur, and the other, from Moradabad, arrived later. The baraat (wedding procession) of Sonam Kumari, the older daughter, arrived from Moradabad. The incident took place during the second procession. 'On June 2, a wedding procession was being carried out around 5.30 p.m. Around 15-20 people from the same village, belonging to the Yadav community, forcefully entered the wedding procession and stopped us from dancing. When we opposed it, all the above people used casteist words and attacked us with sticks, rods, knives, and sharp-edged weapons to kill us. I, too, received an open injury on my head and many other small injuries,' Kanhaiya, the complainant, and a resident of Rahdra, said. He said many in the procession received knife injuries. 'The Yadavs said, 'how can people from our [Dalit] community take out wedding processions'?' Mr. Kanhaiya, who belongs to the Jatav community, alleged. Charges have been filed under Sections 191(2) (rioting), 115(2) (voluntarily causing hurt), 109 (attempt to murder), 351(2) (criminal intimidation) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS). Police have also invoked the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 (Amendment 2015). The case was registered at the Gajrala police station. A video purported to be of the chaotic scene has surfaced on social media. Police said they had to resort to mild force to disperse the crowd and restore order. In view of the heightened tensions, a police force has been deployed to maintain law and order. A senior police officer said that the incident had occurred because the road was narrow, loud music was playing in the background, and the people in the wedding procession could not provide space for the Yadav vehicles to pass. 'This led to an argument, which later turned into an altercation,' the officer said.
