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New York Mayoral Race 2025 Decoded: Zohran Mamdani, Eric Adams or Andrew Cuomo - who will win?
New York Mayoral Race 2025 Decoded: Zohran Mamdani, Eric Adams or Andrew Cuomo - who will win?

Time of India

timea day ago

  • Politics
  • Time of India

New York Mayoral Race 2025 Decoded: Zohran Mamdani, Eric Adams or Andrew Cuomo - who will win?

In Daredevil: Born Again , Wilson Fisk—the Kingpin of Crime—doesn't just manipulate the system; he becomes Mayor of New York. Because in the Marvel Universe, the best way to consolidate criminal power isn't through backroom deals—it's by getting elected. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now A comic book storyline? Maybe. But in 2025 New York, fiction and politics are on disturbingly good terms. This is the city where Sinatra sang about making it big, Trump gold-plated his ego, and aliens always seem to start their invasions. So naturally, New York's mayoral race couldn't just be another bland contest of platforms and pamphlets—it had to be a full-blown cinematic crossover event. Daredevil: Born Again | Wilson Fisk becomes Mayor of New York City | Clip 4K The incumbent, Eric Adams, entered 2025 under a federal indictment—only to be miraculously rescued by the Trump Justice Department. Unburdened but politically bruised, Adams bailed on the Democratic primary and now seeks reelection as an independent via two oddly branded ballot lines: Safe Streets, Affordable City and EndAntiSemitism. Think DJ Khaled meets Bloomberg, but with more subpoenas. In the Democratic primary, the drama centres on two men who couldn't be more different if they tried: Andrew Cuomo, the scandal-drenched ex-Governor staging a Nixonian comeback, and Zohran Mamdani, a 33-year-old democratic socialist from Queens endorsed by AOC, Bernie Sanders, the Working Families Party, and anyone who uses the phrase 'neoliberal hellscape' without irony. Trailing them is a whole gallery of political side characters: Council Speaker Adrienne Adams, Comptroller Brad Lander, State Senators Zellnor Myrie and Jessica Ramos, hedge fund crusader Whitney Tilson, integrity lawyer Jim Walden, and the ever-returning vigilante Curtis Sliwa, whose red beret remains the most consistent part of Republican strategy in NYC. Eric Adams – The Survivor Mayor Image credits: Getty Images Adams' first term was less a public service than a multi-season streaming show. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now Crime stats, police drama, migrant shelter chaos, zoning reforms, a revolving cast of commissioners—and all of it interspersed with nightclub appearances and cryptic Instagram captions. Then came the indictment. Then came the acquittal. Now, Adams has reinvented himself as the 'competence candidate,' reminding voters that murders are down, rezonings are up, and hey—at least he's not a felon. But public memory is short and sharp. Most New Yorkers remember the headlines, not the metrics. They remember the vibe. And the vibe was: chaos, ego, and subpoenas. If Adams wins, it'll be a masterclass in narrative control. If he loses, it'll be because even New York eventually gets tired of being gaslit. Andrew Cuomo – The Once and Future Kingpin Image credits: Getty Images Cuomo is back. Not because New Yorkers missed him, but because Cuomo missed being Cuomo. His campaign pitch? 'Experience matters.' His campaign vibe? 'Please forget everything after 2019.' He's armed with union endorsements, a donor Rolodex fat enough to crush a CitiBike, and the smug certainty of a man who believes he built the state and should get a second chance to ruin the city. But every speech, every op-ed, every photo-op brings back the ghosts: the nursing home scandal, the sexual harassment accusations, the press briefings that felt like hostage negotiations. He's polling well among moderates, but even his supporters admit it's less about enthusiasm and more about resignation. Cuomo is the electoral equivalent of a nicotine patch: addictive, unsatisfying, and kind of gross. Zohran Mamdani – The Socialist from Queens Zohran Mamdani (Image credit AP) Where Cuomo evokes the past, Zohran Mamdani is the embodiment of political future-shock. Young, Ugandan-Indian, socialist, multilingual, and unapologetically radical, Mamdani offers New York a campaign that reads like a progressive fever dream: a $30 minimum wage, rent freezes, free public transit, and publicly-owned grocery stores. He's adored by the left, feared by centrists, and targeted by conservatives who struggle to pronounce 'Astoria' without wincing. His campaign ads are multilingual, his rallies are electric, and his vibe is pure disruption. But New York is a city that loves the idea of revolution—as long as it arrives in the back of an Uber. Can a city that claps for social justice actually vote for it? Or will it smile at Mamdani's poetry, then quietly fill in the bubble for Cuomo in the privacy of the booth? Brad Lander – The Wonk Whisperer New York City Comptroller Brad Lander is placed under arrest by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and FBI agents outside federal immigration court on Tuesday, June 17, 2025, in New York. (AP Photo/Olga Fedorova) Brad Lander is the guy who shows up to a protest with anExcel sheet and a legal pad. Brooklyn-born, fiscally responsible, and ideologically moderate by progressive standards, Lander has built a reputation as the man who knows how to make the city run. His pitch is clear: data, ethics, efficiency. His platform includes housing reform, mental health infrastructure, and fiscal transparency. He's the candidate who reads the fine print—probably because he wrote it. But charisma matters. In a race filled with rappers, rogues, and reformed governors, Lander is the competent dad trying to DJ the party. He's quietly gaining steam, especially among voters fatigued by Cuomo and wary of Mamdani. But unless he breaks out of his technocratic shell soon, he risks becoming everyone's second choice—and no one's winner. The Progressive Soup Jessica Ramos began her campaign as a worker-first progressive. Then she endorsed Cuomo, and her credibility evaporated faster than a Midtown apartment deposit. Zellnor Myrie staked his candidacy on housing, calling for one million new units. Admirable. But in a race dominated by Mamdani and Lander, he's the third-most progressive in any room—and that's not a great place to be. Adrienne Adams, drafted as the centrist peacemaker, offers measured leadership and broad endorsements. But her campaign has struggled to cut through. In a year where the political circus is running full tilt, being sensible might just be the fastest way to be forgotten. Everyone wants to be the 'anti-Cuomo.' No one has figured out how to consolidate the vote. The result? Progressive fragmentation that makes a circular firing squad look efficient. The Independents, the Billionaires, and the Ballot Hobbyists Whitney Tilson is a charter school–loving hedge funder whose platform is basically 'Run NYC like a spreadsheet.' He's rich, loud, and terminally LinkedIn. Then there's Jim Walden, a Bloombergian technocrat suing to be called an 'independent' on the ballot, armed with powerpoints, white papers, and approximately five enthusiastic voters. These guys won't win. But they will fill panels, clutter debates, and write Medium posts explaining why they should have. Curtis Sliwa – The Red-Beret Rerun And finally: Curtis Sliwa, the vigilante. The red-bereted Ghost of Giuliani Past. Every few years he emerges like a Republican cicada—loud, angry, and allergic to nuance. He's running on a platform of crime, more crime, fewer migrants, and feral cats as pest control. He won't win. But if enough Democrats split the vote, he might finish second. Stranger things have happened. After all, this is the city where rats get pizza and mayors get indicted. Perception vs. Performance – The Real Contest This election isn't about what candidates have done. It's about what voters remember. And more importantly, what they feel. Adams has genuine achievements—but he feels like a nightclub manager with subpoena fatigue. Cuomo has experience—but his scandals still scream louder than his surrogates. Mamdani offers ideas—but he also scares the donor class. Lander is solid—but not sexy. And Sliwa is… available. The media knows it. Every headline is a meme. Every endorsement is a subtweet. Even the New York Times threw in the towel and endorsed no one—New York's journalistic version of saying, 'We're out of ideas. Good luck, Gotham.' Final Notes from Gotham New York's 2025 mayoral race isn't ideological—it's mythological. It's about redemption arcs, origin stories, surprise villains, and broken heroes. It's a city where Wilson Fisk becoming mayor wasn't a warning—it was a prophecy. Will voters choose the devil they know (Cuomo)? The devil they fired (Adams)? The socialist the Right fears (Mamdani)? Or the nerd in glasses who actually has a plan (Lander)? One thing is certain: whoever wins, they won't just inherit New York—they'll inherit its neuroses, contradictions, and the sacred duty of being yelled at in five languages before 10 AM.

Padilla was pushed to the ground and handcuffed. It highlights a growing trend in the Trump administration
Padilla was pushed to the ground and handcuffed. It highlights a growing trend in the Trump administration

Yahoo

time12-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Padilla was pushed to the ground and handcuffed. It highlights a growing trend in the Trump administration

When the Trump Justice Department took the extraordinary step of arresting a local judge seven weeks ago, plenty feared what it could portend. Milwaukee Judge Hannah Dugan's case will play out in the weeks and months to come – she's pleaded not guilty to obstructing the arrest of an undocumented immigrant – but arresting judges and public officials isn't something to undertake lightly. Critics warned of the chilling effect it could lead to and the precedent it would set. Virtually nothing in the past seven weeks will have tempered those fears. The fervor to arrest public officials who run afoul of the Trump administration doesn't appear to be going away. Since Dugan's arrest: The Justice Department has criminally charged a big-city mayor and a Democratic congresswoman. A Republican congressman floated arresting 100 more judges who ruled against President Donald Trump. Trump earlier this week floated arresting Democratic California Gov. Gavin Newsom. And on Thursday alone, a Republican congressman advocated criminally charging three Democratic governors, while Democratic Sen. Alex Padilla of California was handcuffed after interrupting a press conference from Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem. Some in the MAGA movement are now pushing for Padilla to be charged, though there's no indication he will be. Almost all of these situations involved officials on the opposite political side of Trump's aggressive immigration crackdown. As with Dugan, it's important to account for the nuances of these situations. There's much we have to learn about Padilla being handcuffed, for instance. His office said he was just trying to ask Noem a question, while DHS spokeswoman Tricia McLaughlin claimed that he 'lunged toward Secretary Noem.' (There is video – from multiple sources and angles – for people to draw their own conclusions.) It's also not clear that those who handcuffed him knew who he was. Padilla did announce himself at one point as a US senator. McLaughlin said Padilla wasn't wearing his Senate security pin and that the Secret Service 'thought he was an attacker.' Noem said, 'Nobody knew who he was.' Padilla told reporters after the incident that he was not arrested. But other instances of apprehension – or threats of it – more clearly point to zealous attempts to go after the other side criminally. And the totality of them certainly paints a picture. GOP Rep. Clay Higgins of Louisiana was talking about arresting 1 out of every 18 federal judges in the United States, for instance – apparently for the crime of ruling against Trump. (Republicans have claimed these judges are engaged in a 'judicial coup' against the president.) Rep. Gary Palmer of Alabama on Thursday floated arresting Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz, Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker and New York Gov. Kathy Hochul for alleged obstruction of justice over sanctuary policies in their states. He did so even though the courts have generally upheld such policies. 'And charges … for obstruction should be brought against each one of you for doing this,' Palmer said. 'I'll leave that up to the Department of Justice.' (Palmer struck his own comments from the record after Democratic Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York argued he was intimidating the witnesses.) Trump's justification for floating Newsom's arrest was even less robust, saying that 'his primary crime is running for governor, because he's done such a bad job.' And in at least one case, the Justice Department has already reversed course. After charging Democratic Newark Mayor Ras Baraka for his actions at an Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention facility last month, it withdrew the charges. That was followed by a rebuke from a judge that's pretty notable for this moment in time. The magistrate judge told interim US Attorney for New Jersey Alina Habba that it was 'a worrisome misstep by your office' and suggested it involved 'political agendas.' 'An arrest, particularly of a public figure, is not a preliminary investigative tool,' the judge said, calling it 'a severe action, carrying significant reputational and personal consequences.' Such concerns don't appear to be carrying the day in the Trump administration or the MAGA movement. The arrest of the judge in Milwaukee has only preceded more arrests – including of Democratic Rep. LaMonica McIver of New Jersey, who was indicted for the same scenes Baraka was involved in. The indictment alleges she impeded and interfered with immigration officers outside the detention center. Some legal analysts have questioned the strength of that case, while McIver has disputed the allegations as baseless and defended her presence at the facility as part of her authorized role as a member of Congress. Her lawyer has referred to the prosecution as 'political retaliation against a dedicated public servant.' It's at this point that many Trump supporters will say: Well, Democrats started it. It's true that Trump was indicted no fewer than four times in recent years. But the only criminal case to actually reach a conclusion resulted in a conviction. And the substance of his federal indictments were things even many Republicans had criticized Trump for. A historic number of GOP senators voted to convict Trump in connection with the January 6, 2021, attack on the US Capitol, and Trump's own former attorney general, William Barr, repeatedly said that Trump's classified documents indictment was 'entirely of his own making.' In other words, these were serious cases involving weighty issues of trying to overturn a democratic election and protecting national secrets. What we're seeing today is a much more cavalier application of the concept of criminally charging public officials. And the fact that examples keep coming in quick succession suggests we've reached something of a turning point. And that's regardless of the propriety of what happened with Padilla.

Abrego Garcia is back but contempt and sanctions for Trump admin still on the table
Abrego Garcia is back but contempt and sanctions for Trump admin still on the table

Yahoo

time09-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Abrego Garcia is back but contempt and sanctions for Trump admin still on the table

With Kilmar Abrego Garcia back in the U.S. after his illegal removal to a notorious Salvadoran prison, followed by months of Trump administration delay and defiance, the administration wants to focus on the new criminal charges it had waiting for him upon his return. But understanding what brought us to this point is crucial not only for how to think about the criminal case, but also because his civil case against the government isn't over just because he's back. Abrego Garcia's lawyers reminded us of that Sunday in their latest court filing to U.S. District Judge Paula Xinis, the Maryland judge who ordered the government to facilitate his return back in April. The filing came in response to the Trump Justice Department's request Friday to halt pending civil litigation over fact-finding into the government's facilitation efforts, just after Xinis had approved Abrego Garcia's lawyers' bid to file a sanctions motion against the government, due Wednesday. Responding to the claim that the civil case is now moot due to his return, Abrego Garcia's lawyers reminded the Obama appointee that she 'still retains jurisdiction to find contempt and impose sanctions.' They called the government's claim that it has complied with her order 'pure farce,' writing: The Government flouted rather than followed the orders of this Court and the United States Supreme Court. Instead of facilitating Abrego Garcia's return, for the past two months Defendants have engaged in an elaborate, all-of-government effort to defy court orders, deny due process, and disparage Abrego Garcia. In its latest act of contempt, the Government arranged for Abrego Garcia's return, not to Maryland in compliance with the Supreme Court's directive to 'ensure that his case is handled as it would have been had he not been improperly sent to El Salvador,' . . . but rather to Tennessee so that he could be charged with a crime in a case that the Government only developed while it was under threat of sanctions. Farcical is a good summary of this case and the administration's broader immigration stance. The description pairs well with U.S. District Judge James Boasberg's recent nod to Franz Kafka's 'The Trial,' in comparing the novel's absurd legal ordeal to the administration's summary removals of scores of Venezuelan immigrants to El Salvador's mega-prison known for human rights abuses. (Litigation is pending separately in that case in Washington, D.C., as lawyers try to secure the immigrants' return. That case also includes an attempt to hold the administration accountable for contempt, which is pending separately on the government's appeal in D.C.'s federal appeals court.) Urging Xinis to keep the civil case alive, Abrego Garcia's lawyers said the government's 'wanton disregard for the judicial branch has left a stain on the Constitution' and that if there's 'any hope of removing that stain, it must start by shining a light on the improper actions of the Government in this tragic affair and imposing meaningful remedies.' Meanwhile, Abrego Garcia's criminal case is getting started in Tennessee, where he's charged with illegally transporting undocumented immigrants. It's an understatement to say the new case will be highly scrutinized, given how it came about in an apparent attempt by the administration to save face. That doesn't mean federal prosecutors won't be able to secure a conviction; they may be even more motivated to do so, given the political stakes. On that note, ABC News reported, citing unnamed sources, that the decision to pursue the criminal case led high-ranking Tennessee prosecutor Ben Schrader to resign due to 'concerns that the case was being pursued for political reasons.' Asked about the reason for his resignation, Schrader declined to comment to NBC News. If his resignation is connected to the criminal case against Abrego Garcia, then the administration's political posturing through the Justice Department has led to the loss of yet another career prosecutor — one of this administration's sordid legacies, as exemplified by the Eric Adams dismissal debacle earlier this year. Abrego Garcia is reportedly set to go before a judge Friday for arraignment, where he'll presumably plead not guilty and the government will press its case for detaining him pending trial. We don't know how this criminal case will end, but it will proceed in a U.S. court under the due process protections the administration has resisted providing in this case and others. Subscribe to the Deadline: Legal Newsletter for expert analysis on the top legal stories of the week, including updates from the Supreme Court and developments in the Trump administration's legal cases. This article was originally published on

How Kilmar Abrego Garcia's case became a political flashpoint
How Kilmar Abrego Garcia's case became a political flashpoint

Yahoo

time07-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

How Kilmar Abrego Garcia's case became a political flashpoint

Kilmar Abrego Garcia's case started quietly, boiling down to a clerical error that moved him up on a list to land on a deportation flight destined to El Salvador in March. And then a court filing from the Trump Justice Department acknowledging the mistake brought it to the national forefront – culminating in a fraught legal battle and heated political debate. On Friday, the Trump administration announced that Abrego Garcia, a Salvadoran national who had resided in Maryland until he was mistakenly deported to his home country, landed in the United States, and was facing criminal charges. It was an extraordinary development in a case that's come to define the president's hardline immigration policies and a striking about-face from the Trump administration, which had maintained he would not return to the US. At the start of the legal battle, nearly three months ago, both sides agreed that Abrego Garcia's deportation to El Salvador – and subsequent imprisonment in the country's notorious mega-prison – was a mistake. In 2019, an immigration judge granted Abrego Garcia withholding of removal, meaning he couldn't be removed to El Salvador over fear of persecution. A senior Immigration and Customs Enforcement official called his removal an 'administrative error' in a March court declaration, appearing to mark the first time the administration had conceded an error over the controversial flights to El Salvador that resulted in the detention of hundreds of migrants in the CECOT prison. But then, Trump administration officials publicly abandoned that position and called Abrego Garcia 'a terrorist,' because they allege he is a member of MS-13, which the US has designated as a terrorist organization. His attorneys and family maintain that he was not a member of MS-13 and have argued that he is still entitled to due process. Here's how Abrego Garcia's case played out over the last few months. Abrego Garcia, who came to the United States illegally in 2012, first had an encounter with immigration authorities in 2019 after an arrest. At the time, the government similarly argued that Abrego Garcia was a gang member while he made the case that he feared a possible return to El Salvador. The immigration judge presiding over the case sided with Abrego Garcia and ruled that he may not be deported back to El Salvador. Years later, on March 12, 2025, Immigration and Customs Enforcement pulled over Abrego Garcia and arrested him, which came as the Trump administration continued its aggressive crackdown on immigration. Abrego Garcia was then mistakenly put on a deportation flight three days later and sent to CECOT. It took the Trump administration weeks to concede that it mistakenly deported the Maryland father to El Salvador 'because of an administrative error.' But while doing acknowledging the mistake, the administration said in court filings on March 31 that it could not return him because he was in Salvadoran custody. Later that week, Judge Paula Xinis of the US District Court in Maryland ordered the Trump administration to return Abrego Garcia to the US, kicking off a monthslong legal battle in which the Trump administration has argued that courts cannot intervene in the foreign policy decision-making of the United States. In her April 4 order, Xinis gave a deadline of April 7 to bring back Abrego Garcia but the Supreme Court paused the deadline. Days later, the Supreme Court ruled that the Trump administration must 'facilitate' Abrego Garcia's return but stopped short of requiring the government to return him. In recent weeks, Xinis has accused the Trump administration of repeated stonewalling and intentional noncompliance with its obligation to produce information related to how it has been facilitating Abrego Garcia's return. President Donald Trump, in an interview with ABC News in April, acknowledged that he could secure Abrego Garcia's return, contradicting previous remarks made by him and his his top aides who said the US did not have the ability to return Abrego Garcia because he was in the custody of a foreign government. When asked by ABC's Terry Moran why he can't just pick up the phone and secure Abrego Garcia's return, Trump said: 'And if he were the gentleman that you say he is, I would do that. But he is not.' The president went on to accuse Abrego Garcia of being a MS-13 member, pointing to his tattoos, which experts say are not by themselves proof he's a gang member. And just days later, the White House and El Salvador's President Nayib Bukele made clear during an Oval Office meeting that Abrego Garcia would not be returned to the US. Democratic lawmakers have been critical of how the Trump administration handled the Abrego Garcia case and continued to call for him to be brought back. One Democratic senator, Chris Van Hollen of Maryland, flew down to El Salvador to meet with his constituent. After initially not being allowed to meet him, Van Hollen had a sit down with Abrego Garcia on April 17 and in a press conference a day later, the senator said Abrego Garcia told him he was traumatized. 'He said he was not afraid of the other prisoners in his immediate cell but that he was traumatized by being at CECOT and fearful of many of the prisoners in other cell blocks who called out to him and taunted him in various ways,' Van Hollen said. Van Hollen added that Abrego Garcia was moved a week earlier from the maximum-security prison to another detention center where 'conditions are better.' The Trump administration slammed the senator's visit, claiming Democrats and the media painted an overly rosy picture of Abrego Garcia. Meanwhile, the administration continued to portray him as a violent and dangerous criminal, releasing previously unshared documents stemming from two interactions Abrego Garcia had with law enforcement and the courts system: a 2019 arrest that didn't lead to charges or a conviction, but did result in his detention by immigration officials, and a 2021 protective order his wife filed against him alleging domestic violence, which she later decided against pursuing further after she said the couple had resolved their issues. Sources told CNN in late April that Secretary of State Marco Rubio had been in touch with Bukele about the detention of Abrego Garcia. A US official told CNN the Trump administration was working closely with El Salvador and asked for Abrego Garcia's return but insisted that Bukele had made clear that he was not returning him to the US. In early May, Tennessee state law enforcement released a video of a November 2022 traffic stop involving Abrego Garcia – an incident that US officials argue supports their claims that Abrego Garcia was a member of MS-13 and involved in human trafficking. The video showed Abrego Garcia being stopped for speeding. When asked about other passengers in the car, Abrego Garcia tells the trooper he and the others are workers returning from a construction project in St. Louis, Missouri. When the trooper asked for his documents, Abrego Garcia explains in the video that his driver's license was expired and that he is waiting for immigration documents to renew it. He tells the officer the vehicle, which had a Texas license plate, belonged to his boss. The trooper then searches the car with a police canine. They do not appear to find anything suspicious, according to the video. Abrego Garcia was not detained during the stop and no charges were filed. Nearly three months after he was deported, Abrego Garcia on Friday returned to the US to face federal criminal charges. Abrego Garcia has been indicted on two criminal counts in the Middle District of Tennessee: conspiracy to unlawfully transport illegal aliens for financial gain and unlawful transportation of illegal aliens for financial gain. Trump administration officials pointed to the charges as justifying their effort to remove Abrego Garcia from the United States. Meanwhile, Simon Sandoval-Moshenberg, an attorney for Abrego Garcia, accused the Trump administration of 'playing games' with the legal system and said his client should appear in immigration court, not criminal court. 'The government disappeared Kilmar to a foreign prison in violation of a court order. Now, after months of delay and secrecy, they're bringing him back, not to correct their error but to prosecute him. This shows that they were playing games with the court all along,' Sandoval-Moshenberg said in a statement to CNN. 'Due process means the chance to defend yourself before you're punished, not after. This is an abuse of power, not justice.' Abrego Garcia will be in custody for at least a week, followed by an arraignment and detention hearing, the Associated Press reported.

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