Latest news with #TDI
Yahoo
3 days ago
- Automotive
- Yahoo
Vieworks to Unveil Dual Imaging TDI Camera at automatica 2025
ANYANG, South Korea, June 18, 2025 /PRNewswire/ -- Vieworks, a global leader in machine vision solutions, will unveil its latest advancements in machine vision technology at automatica 2025, held in Munich, Germany, from June 24 to 27 (Hall B5, Booth 506). Vieworks will showcase its expanded portfolio of industrial cameras and lenses, with a spotlight on the newly launched dual imaging VTD Series. At the trade fair, Vieworks will present its full range of area scan cameras, offering resolutions from 0.4 megapixels to an industry-leading 1152 megapixels. Among the highlights is the compact and versatile VZ Series, featuring GigE, 2.5GigE, and USB 3.0 interfaces. These cameras are ideal for automated inspection systems across industries. Vieworks' TDI (time delayed integration) line scan cameras are renowned for their exceptional sensitivity, achieved through up to 256 stages of integration. Available in M42, M58, M72, and M95 mounts from 2k to 23k resolution, these TDI line scan cameras are suitable for various applications in low-light environments. Making its official debut at the show, the VTD-16K5X2 camera captures two images in a single scan through dual imaging technology. This innovation eliminates the need for separate cameras or multiple scans—reducing cycle time and operational costs. Also featured will be the VT Sense Series, equipped with BSI (back-side illuminated) sensors for enhanced sensitivity. These high-end TDI cameras boast exceptional sensitivity as well as superior quantum efficiency (QE) and signal-to-noise ratio (SNR). The back-side illuminated VT Sense ensures superior image quality in visible, ultraviolet (UV), and near-infrared (NIR) spectrums. In addition to its camera lineup, Vieworks will also present the VEO Series, a family of industrial lenses codeveloped with Schneider Kreuznach. These lenses are optimized to fully leverage the capabilities of Vieworks' high-resolution cameras. "We're excited to introduce our latest innovations, including the VTD-16K5X2, at automatica 2025," a Vieworks spokesperson remarked. "The event is a key opportunity to engage with our partners and customers across Europe and demonstrate how our technologies are driving the future of automation." As Europe's leading automation trade fair, automatica 2025 is expected to attract a record number of exhibitors and attendees. About Vieworks Co., Ltd. Vieworks is a leading provider of machine vision technologies, offering a comprehensive range of industrial cameras, lenses, and vision system accessories. Committed to innovation and excellence, Vieworks is your trusted partner in delivering machine vision solutions. For more information, please visit View original content to download multimedia: SOURCE Vieworks Co., Ltd.
Yahoo
13-06-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Geopolitical upheaval tops new shipping concerns survey
For the second year in a row, political instability remains at the forefront of maritime concerns, a reflection of the geopolitical tremors resonating through the globe, according to a new industry survey. The 2024-2025 Maritime Barometer Report released by the International Chamber of Shipping paints a stark picture: with over 70 national elections impacting half the world's population in 2024, the repercussions for maritime operations are profound. As the survey indicates, maritime leaders consistently rank political instability as the top risk, driven by the persistent winds of global conflict and economic upheaval. Emanuele Grimaldi, ICS Chairman, who also heads his family's namesake shipping empire, underscores the gravity of the situation. 'This geopolitical instability is reshaping our operating environments, creating cautious and uncertain commercial landscapes,' Grimaldi said in a preface to the sentiment is echoed across the industry, where a lack of confidence in handling political volatility continues to plague decision-makers, as highlighted by contrasting polls showcasing a drop in industry confidence. Contributing to this volatility are significant policy shifts, particularly from the United States. Recent tariffs and trade investigations exacerbate existing tensions, complicating the global supply chain and challenging the shipping sector's adaptability. The complexity of these dynamics is not lost on maritime executives, who are increasingly turning to Trade Disruption Insurance (TDI) to mitigate uncertain trade outcomes, reflecting a pragmatic yet cautious approach to an unpredictable political concerns, cyber-attacks have consolidated their place as a critical threat. The digital backbone of maritime operations is under siege, with state-sponsored entities increasingly exploiting vulnerabilities. The International Maritime Organization (IMO) has voiced 'grave concern,' alongside warnings from the U.S. Government Accountability Office about urgent cybersecurity vulnerabilities. ICS survey data corroborates these apprehensions, ranking cyber-attacks as the second-highest risk. Allianz's 2025 Risk Barometer further cements this position, portraying a landscape rife with cyber-crime and IT network disruptions. For maritime leaders, fortifying digital infrastructures and nurturing a culture of cybersecurity awareness across all levels of the workforce is not just prudent, it's essential. An increasing administrative burden looms large as one of the top risks identified in this year's report. This escalation is attributed to a swirl of regulatory changes that shipowners must navigate. From European Union emissions trading schemes to IMO carbon intensity indicators, the regulatory landscape is dense and unyielding. Although there is a noted dip in confidence, there's also a recognition among maritime stakeholders of the critical need to streamline compliance processes. At the same time, barriers to trade continue to loom, intertwined with political and regulatory complexities. The dual pressures of protectionist policies and shifting trade alliances are forcing maritime leaders to reevaluate strategies and fortify supply chains against emerging disruptions. These barriers, though not new, have gained renewed relevance in the face of potential trade wars and economic nationalism — challenges the maritime industry must adeptly the industry stands on the precipice of a green transformation, decarbonization efforts are gaining momentum, albeit cautiously. The report highlights a commitment to sustainability, with maritime leaders expressing mixed sentiments towards the viability of alternative fuels. While liquefied natural gas (LNG), heavy fuel oil (HFO) with abatement technology, and biofuels emerge as frontrunners, alternative solutions such as methanol and ammonia are gradually gaining ground. The ICS findings reveal a precarious balance between the allure of tried-and-tested fuel options and the promise of innovative green technologies. Methanol and ammonia offer enticing possibilities, yet concerns over infrastructure and safety remain hurdles to their widespread adoption. Nonetheless, shifts toward cleaner fuels signal a promising trajectory, albeit one contingent on sustained regulatory support and financial investment. Climate concerns remain a constant undercurrent in maritime planning, woven deeply into the industry's decision-making process. While leaders acknowledge the sector's environmental impact, tapping into sustainable practices presents a combination of challenges and opportunities. The ICS survey delineates a hopeful yet guarded stance: that confidence towards handling green regulations is growing, even as the specter of mixed public funding damps some enthusiasm. Technological advances and regulatory progress at forums like the IMO's Marine Environment Protection Committee offer glimmers of optimism. Likewise, greater collaboration between public and private sectors could galvanize the needed leap toward sustainable maritime practices, echoing the sentiments of many surveyed industry stakeholders. The report delivers a holistic portrayal of an industry poised at a crossroads. Political instability, cyber threats, regulatory pressures, and the drive for sustainability converge to present both formidable challenges and unprecedented opportunities for change. Industry collaboration and a collective push for resilient frameworks are more vital than ever, shaping the course for a maritime future that is greener, safer, and more adaptable to an ever-changing world ecosystem. Said Grimaldi, 'Above all, collaboration and communication are key.' Find more articles by Stuart Chirls peak coming as trans-Pacific container rates double Retailers see cargo surge coming WATCH: Four crew missing after container ship explosion off coast of India Trac Intermodal preps 200K chassis for China container surge The post Geopolitical upheaval tops new shipping concerns survey appeared first on FreightWaves.
Yahoo
07-06-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Opinion - The ‘Trump did it' defense: Colleges' and companies' new excuse to roll back wokeness
'Trump made me do it.' Across the country, this is a virtual mantra being mouthed everywhere from businesses to higher education. Corporations are eliminating woke programs. Why? Trump did it. Universities are eliminating DEI offices and cracking down on campus extremism. Trump did it. Democratic politicians are abandoning far-left policies. Trump did it. For those who lack both courage or conviction, the claim of coercion is often the next best thing. The 'TDI defense' is born. Of course, they did not invent Trump, but they needed him. For years, schools like Harvard and Columbia ignored warnings about the rising antisemitism on campuses. They refused to punish students engaged in criminal conduct, including occupying and trashing buildings. These administrators did not want to risk being tagged by the far-left mob for taking meaningful action. Then the election occurred, and suddenly they were able to blame Trump for doing what they should have been doing all along. Administrators are now cracking down on extreme elements on campuses. At the same time, hundreds of schools are closing DEI offices around the country. Again, most are not challenging the Trump administration's orders on DEI or seeking to adopt more limited responses. They are all in with the move, while professing that they have little choice. In other words, schools are increasingly turning to TDI to end DEI. The legal landscape has changed with an administration committed to opposing many DEI programs as discriminatory and unlawful. However, it is the speed and general lack of resistance that is so notable. In most cases, the Trump administration did not have to ask twice. Trump seemed to 'have them at hello,' as if they were longing for a reason to reverse these trends. Many will continue to fight this fight surreptitiously. For example, shortly before the Trump election, the University of North Carolina System Board of Governors voted to ban DEI and focus on 'institutional neutrality.' Yet, even Administrators emboldened by the TDI defense are finding resistance in their ranks. For example, UNC Asheville Dean of Students Megan Pugh was caught on videotape, saying that eliminating these offices means nothing: 'I mean we probably still do anyway… but you gotta keep it quiet.' She added, 'I love breaking rules.' The Board, perhaps not feeling the same thrill, reportedly responded by firing her. The same pattern is playing out in businesses. Over the last few weeks, companies ranging from Amazon to IBM have removed references to DEI programs or policies. Bank of America explained, 'We evaluate and adjust our programs in light of new laws, court decisions, and, more recently, executive orders from the new administration.' Once established, these DEI offices tended to expand as an irresistible force within their institutions and companies. Full-time diversity experts demanded additional hirings and policies on hiring, promotion, and public campaigns. Since these experts were tasked with finding areas for 'reform,' their proposals were treated as extensions of that mandate. To oppose the reforms was to oppose the cause. While some executives and administrators supported such efforts, others simply lacked the courage to oppose them. No one wanted to be accused of being opposed to 'equity' or being racist, sexist, or homophobic. The results were continually expanding programs impacting every level of businesses and institutions. Then Trump showed up. Suddenly, these executives and administrators had an excuse to reverse this trend. They could also rely on court decisions that have undermined longstanding claims of advocates that favoring certain groups at the expense of others was entirely lawful. This week, the Supreme Court added to these cases with its unanimous ruling in Ames v. Ohio Department of Youth Services, to remove impediments to lawsuits by members of majority groups who are discriminated against. For many years, lower courts have required members of majority groups (white, male, or heterosexual) to shoulder an added burden before they could establish claims under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act. In a decision written by Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, the court rejected that additional burden and ordered that everyone must be treated similarly under the law. Many commentators noted that the ruling further undermined the rationales for disparate treatment based on race or other criteria within DEI. In other words, more of these programs are likely to be the subject of federal investigations and lawsuits. Of course, if these executives and administrators were truly committed to the programs in principle, they could resolve to fight in the courts. The alternative is just to blame Trump and restore prior policies that enforce federal standards against all discriminatory or preferred treatment given to employees based on race, sex, religion, or other classifications. Former Vice President Hubert Humphrey once observed that 'to err is human. To blame someone else is politics.' That is evident among politicians. For years, many moderate Democrats voted to support far-left agendas during the Biden administration, lacking the courage or principles to oppose the radical wing of the Democratic Party. Now, some are coming forward to say that the party has 'lost touch with voters.' Rather than admit that their years of supporting these policies were wrong, they blame Trump and argue that the party must move toward the center to survive. The calculus is simple: You never act on principle when you can blame a villain instead. It is not a profile of courage but one of simple convenience. No need for admissions or responsibility — just TDI and done. Jonathan Turley is the Shapiro Professor of Public Interest Law at George Washington University and the author of 'The Indispensable Right: Free Speech in an Age of Rage.' Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
The Hill
07-06-2025
- Politics
- The Hill
The ‘Trump did it' defense: Colleges' and companies' new excuse to roll back wokeness
'Trump made me do it.' Across the country, this is a virtual mantra being mouthed everywhere from businesses to higher education. Corporations are eliminating woke programs. Why? Trump did it. Universities are eliminating DEI offices and cracking down on campus extremism. Trump did it. Democratic politicians are abandoning far-left policies. Trump did it. For those who lack both courage or conviction, the claim of coercion is often the next best thing. The 'TDI defense' is born. They did not invent Trump, but they needed him. For years, schools like Harvard and Columbia ignored warnings about the rising antisemitism on campuses. They refused to punish students engaged in criminal conduct, including occupying and trashing buildings. These administrators did not want to risk being tagged by the far-left mob for taking meaningful action. Then the election occurred, and suddenly they were able to blame Trump for doing what they should have been doing all along. Administrators are now cracking down on extreme elements on campuses. At the same time, hundreds of schools are closing DEI offices around the country. Again, most are not challenging the Trump administration's orders on DEI or seeking to adopt more limited responses. They are all in with the move, while professing that they have little choice. In other words, schools are increasingly turning to TDI to end DEI. The legal landscape has changed with an administration committed to opposing many DEI programs as discriminatory and unlawful. However, it is the speed and general lack of resistance that is so notable. In most cases, the Trump administration did not have to ask twice. Trump seemed to 'have them at hello,' as if they were longing for a reason to reverse these trends. Many will continue to fight this fight surreptitiously. For example, shortly before the Trump election, the University of North Carolina System Board of Governors voted to ban DEI and focus on 'institutional neutrality.' But then UNC Asheville Dean of Students Megan Pugh was caught on videotape, saying that eliminating these offices means nothing: 'I mean we probably still do anyway… but you gotta keep it quiet.' She added, 'I love breaking rules.' The Board, perhaps not feeling the same thrill, reportedly responded by firing her. However, Pugh's approach to rules in general has long been followed by college administrators. After the Supreme Court declared that universities like Harvard and UNC were engaging in racial discrimination in admissions, some schools set out to eliminate the overt uses of race while seeking to achieve the same results covertly. The same pattern is playing out in businesses. Over the last few weeks, companies ranging from Amazon to IBM have removed references to DEI programs or policies. Bank of America explained, 'We evaluate and adjust our programs in light of new laws, court decisions, and, more recently, executive orders from the new administration.' Once established, these DEI offices tended to expand as an irresistible force within their institutions and companies. Full-time diversity experts demanded additional hirings and policies on hiring, promotion, and public campaigns. Since these experts were tasked with finding areas for 'reform,' their proposals were treated as extensions of that mandate. To oppose the reforms was to oppose the cause. While some executives and administrators supported such efforts, others simply lacked the courage to oppose them. No one wanted to be accused of being opposed to 'equity' or being racist, sexist, or homophobic. The results were continually expanding programs impacting every level of businesses and institutions. Then Trump showed up. Suddenly, these executives and administrators had an excuse to reverse this trend. They could also rely on court decisions that have undermined longstanding claims of advocates that favoring certain groups at the expense of others was entirely lawful. This week, the Supreme Court added to these cases with its unanimous ruling in Ames v. Ohio Department of Youth Services, to remove impediments to lawsuits by members of majorities who are discriminated against. For many years, lower courts have required members of majority groups (white, male, or heterosexual) to shoulder an added burden before they could establish claims under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act. In a decision written by Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, the court rejected that additional burden and ordered that everyone must be treated similarly under the law. Many commentators noted that the ruling further undermined the rationales for disparate treatment based on race or other criteria within DEI. In other words, more of these programs are likely to be the subject of federal investigations and lawsuits. Of course, if these executives and administrators were truly committed to the programs in principle, they could resolve to fight in the courts. The alternative is just to blame Trump and restore prior policies that enforce federal standards against all discriminatory or preferred treatment given to employees based on race, sex, religion, or other classifications. Former Vice President Hubert Humphrey once observed that 'to err is human. To blame someone else is politics.' That is evident among politicians. For years, many moderate Democrats voted to support far-left agendas during the Biden administration, lacking the courage or principles to oppose the radical wing of the Democratic Party. Now, some are coming forward to say that the party has 'lost touch with voters.' Rather than admit that their years of supporting these policies were wrong, they blame Trump and argue that the party must move toward the center to survive. The calculus is simple: You never act on principle when you can blame a villain instead. It is not a profile of courage but one of simple convenience. No need for admissions or responsibility — just TDI and done. Jonathan Turley is the Shapiro Professor of Public Interest Law at George Washington University and the author of 'The Indispensable Right: Free Speech in an Age of Rage.'
Yahoo
27-05-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Gujarat Narmada Valley Fertilizers & Chemicals Ltd (BOM:500670) Q4 2025 Earnings Call ...
Release Date: May 26, 2025 For the complete transcript of the earnings call, please refer to the full earnings call transcript. The board of directors has recommended a dividend of 180%, an increase from the previous 165%. The company has a significant capital expenditure plan of around 2,900 crore at various stages of execution, aimed at improving efficiency and cost savings. Sales volume growth was reported across several products, with notable increases in TGUa (52%), Aniline (15%), and Formic Acid (6.7%). The chemical segment showed strong performance, contributing positively to the company's profitability. The company is working on strategic initiatives to optimize procurement and power costs, which could lead to future cost savings. The company experienced an elongated shutdown of the TDI 2 plant, resulting in a loss of approximately 300 crore in revenue and 100 crore in profits. There was a net loss of roughly 100 crore in other comprehensive income due to a decline in the prices of listed investments. The TDI production was down by 44% due to the extended shutdown, impacting overall production volumes. Input cost advantages from reduced petrochemical prices were offset by pricing pressures on TDI output. The company anticipates limited volume growth in FY 526 due to a planned three-week shutdown at the beginning of the financial year. Warning! GuruFocus has detected 5 Warning Signs with BOM:500670. Q: What was the sales volume growth for Gujarat Narmada Valley Fertilizers & Chemicals Ltd in FY 2025, and which products contributed to this growth? A: The sales volume was 7% higher than FY 2024. Specific product contributions included a 9% increase in sales, a 15% increase in aniline sales, a 52% increase in TGU sales, a 15% increase in CNS sales, and a 6.7% increase in formic acid sales. Methanol sales also increased by 7%. Q: Are there any planned shutdowns for FY 2026, and which products are expected to see volume growth? A: A shutdown occurred at the beginning of the current financial year for about three weeks, limiting volume growth potential. No further shutdowns are planned for the rest of FY 2026. Q: How did the extended shutdown of the TDI plant affect production and what are the expectations for FY 2026? A: The production was down by 31% due to the shutdown, with TDI volumes specifically down by 44%. For FY 2026, the company does not foresee major issues and expects to achieve installed capacity production. Q: What is the impact of the reduction in toluene prices on the company's financials? A: While there has been a reduction in toluene prices, the benefit is offset by pricing pressure on TDI, which affects the input cost advantage. Q: What are the expected benefits from the commissioning of the new boiler in FY 2026? A: The commissioning is expected by September 2025, with an anticipated cost advantage ranging between ?12,000 to ?18,000 per metric ton, depending on gas and coal prices. This could help reduce losses at the PBT level for TDI. Q: Can you provide insights into the strategic initiatives for cost reduction and efficiency improvement? A: Initiatives include procurement optimization, power optimization through increased renewable energy use, and digital initiatives. These are expected to have varying timelines for impact, ranging from 6 months to 4 years. Q: What are the production numbers for ammonia and weak nitric acid for FY 2026? A: Ammonia production from oil was 336,000 tons and from gas was 369,000 tons. Weak nitric acid production was approximately 443,000 tons. Q: What is the status of the expansion plans recommended by Kearney, and what is the investment size? A: The company is considering an investment size of up to ?22,000 crore for new projects, which are mostly import substitutes. Detailed feasibility reports are being prepared to assess the return profile of each product. Q: How does the company plan to manage maintenance CapEx and what is the expected CapEx for FY 2026? A: Maintenance CapEx is expected to be more than ?200 crore annually. The total CapEx for FY 2026 includes ?300 crore for ongoing projects, excluding maintenance CapEx. Q: What is the outlook for methanol production given the current economic conditions? A: Methanol production was profitable for 7-8 months due to competitive gas prices. However, with rising gas prices since December, the plant is currently not in operation. For the complete transcript of the earnings call, please refer to the full earnings call transcript. This article first appeared on GuruFocus.
