Latest news with #Syria
Free Malaysia Today
2 hours ago
- Business
- Free Malaysia Today
Syria expects first transfer with US bank ‘within weeks', says governor
The Syrian central bank has extended a formal invitation to US banks to re-establish correspondent banking ties. (EPA Images pic) DAMASCUS : Syria expects to have its first transaction with a US bank 'in a matter of weeks', Syrian central bank governor Abdelkader Husriyeh said today, a day after a high-level meeting between Syrian and US commercial banks. The resumption of transfers between Syrian and US banks would be a key milestone in the push by Syria's new rulers to reintegrate the country into the global financial system after 14 years of civil war. Yesterday, Husriyeh held a virtual conference bringing together Syrian banks, several US banks and US officials, including Washington's Syria envoy Thomas Barrack, with the aim of speeding up the reconnection of Syria's banking system to the global financial system. This follows US President Donald Trump's announcement in May that all sanctions on Syria would be lifted. That has been followed up with executive orders formally lifting some of the measures. Syria's reintegration into the global financial system would be a major step towards enabling the kind of large financial transactions needed to kickstart its reconstruction and economic activity, and help rein in a highly informal, cash-based economy. Husriyeh extended a formal invitation to US banks to re-establish correspondent banking ties following the ouster of former Syrian strongman Bashar al-Assad, whose crackdown on 2011 protests resulted in Western countries imposing one of the world's strictest sanctions regimes. 'We have two clear targets: have US banks set up representative offices in Syria and have transactions resume between Syrian and American banks. 'I think the latter can happen in a matter of weeks,' Husriyeh told Reuters. Among the banks invited to yesterday's conference were JP Morgan, Morgan Stanley and CitiBank, though it was not immediately clear who attended.
Yahoo
5 hours ago
- General
- Yahoo
How did Ramesses II die — and did his more than 100 children fight for the throne?
When you buy through links on our articles, Future and its syndication partners may earn a commission. The pharaoh Ramesses II is one of the best known warrior rulers of ancient Egypt, famous for his military victories and great public works. He ruled Egypt for two-thirds of a century (roughly 1279 to 1213 B.C.) during the New Kingdom period, and died when he was around 90 years old, an astonishing age for the time. But how did Ramesses II die and what happened following the celebrated pharaoh's death? First, let's start with Ramesses II's ascension to the throne. He became pharaoh after his father Seti I (ruled circa 1294 to 1279 B.C.) died. At the start of his reign, Ramesses II was at war with the Hittites, a kingdom based in Anatolia (modern-day Turkey), and fought a major battle against them, now known as the "Battle of Kadesh", in what is now Syria around 1275 B.C. While Ramesses II claimed victory, modern-day historians tend to believe that neither side won the battle. Ramesses II made peace with the Hittites around 1258 B.C. and took a Hittite princess as one of his wives. Like other Egyptian pharaohs, he practiced polygamy and had many wives and concubines. Toby Wilkinson, an Egyptologist at the University of Cambridge, estimates in his book "Ramesses the Great: Egypt's King of Kings" (Yale University Press, 2023) that he had around 100 children. The pharaoh also built a new capital called "Pi-Ramesses" (also known as "Per-Ramesses") in the eastern Nile delta near the modern-day village of Qantir. The "entire city bore the unmistakable footprint of its pharaonic foundation," Wilkinson wrote, noting that it had at least 50 colossal statues of Ramesses II, most of which were built during his lifetime. When Ramesses II died, he was buried in a tomb in the Valley of the Kings. After this tomb was plundered, his mummy was placed, along with other royal mummies, in a cache at Deir el-Bahari. His mummy is now located in the National Museum of Egyptian Civilization in Cairo. Analyses of Ramesses II's mummy have provided insights into his cause of death. Sahar Saleem, a professor of radiology at Cairo University who has studied the mummy of Ramesses II extensively, told Live Science in an email that "Ramesses II was likely crippled by arthritis and walked with a hunched back for several years in later life. He also suffered from severe dental disease, which may have caused chronic pain or infection. However, no definitive cause of death was identified on CT (computed tomography) scans." In all likelihood he died of natural causes, Saleem said. The fact that Ramesses II lived to around age 90 was, in itself, quite a feat in ancient Egypt. At the time "most people died well before their 40th birthday and he was on the throne for two or three generations," Susanna Thomas, an Egyptologist who works at the Grand Egyptian Museum, told Live Science in an email. Ramessees II outlived many of his wives and children and it was Merneptah, his 13th-oldest son, who succeeded him as pharaoh. Thomas noted that there is no evidence of any fighting over the throne when Merneptah became pharaoh. "Twelve of his elder brothers had died before him and frankly he [Merneptah] was just next in line," Thomas said. Merneptah was probably already in his sixties when he became pharaoh and he launched a program of building new palaces and other buildings, Thomas said. While Merneptah's accession occurred without incident, his successors did face internal strife. "Ramesses II grandson Seti II has to deal with an usurper [named Amenmesse] who seems to have been successful in ruling over Upper Egypt for a couple of years" Henning Franzmeier, a senior research affiliate at the Cyprus Institute who is the field director of excavations at Pi-Ramesses, told Live Science in an email. Some of Seti II's successors also faced quarrels over the throne. The vast number of children that Ramesses II had complicated questions over succession as his descendants vied for power. There were "hundreds of members of the royal family who might have felt inclined to seek for power," Franzmeier said. In addition to internal turmoil, Egypt experienced invasions from a group known as the "Sea Peoples." One invasion occurred during Merneptah's reign while another occurred during the reign of Ramesses III (reign circa 1184 to 1153 B.C.). The internal quarrels over the throne, along with problems dealing with the Sea Peoples invasions, "ultimately led to the decline of royal power in Egypt," Franzmeier said. Ramesses II was so powerful, he was worshipped in life as a living god. And even after death, his cult continued to some degree. RELATED STORIES —Ramesses II's sarcophagus finally identified thanks to overlooked hieroglyphics —Ancient tomb of Pharaoh Ramesses II official discovered at Saqqara —Archaeologists find top half of giant Ramesses II statue, completing a century-long puzzle "Surprisingly his cult is not attested widely after his death — although bits and pieces of evidence do appear," Campbell Price, a curator of Egypt and Sudan at the Manchester Museum, told Live Science in an email. A sarcophagus mentions a priest devoted to the worship of Ramesses II who lived at the site of Abydos during the Ptolemaic period (circa 304 to 30 B.C.) Price said. This means that some people were still worshipping Ramesses II 1,000 years after he died. Price noted that pharaohs named themselves "Ramesses" or "Usermaatre" (his throne name) for centuries after Ramesses II's death. Pharaohs also treated items of his with great respect. "Objects from his robbed tomb were clearly prized heirlooms and were incorporated into later royal burials at Tanis [an ancient city], surely with a sense of reverence for their illustrious ancestor," Price said.
New York Times
5 hours ago
- Business
- New York Times
Bank Transfer Signals Syria Is Making Strides in Ending Economic Isolation
Syria took a small but significant step toward rejoining the international banking system with the announcement on Thursday that the country had completed its first electronic transfer in 14 years with a Western bank. The transfer, to a European bank earlier this week, was considered a sign that despite the escalating tensions in the Middle East, a few green shoots were emerging in the effort to foster renewed economic life in Syria after its devastating civil war. 'This step represents gradual progress toward reintegrating the Syrian financial system into global financial channels,' Abdulkader Husrieh, the governor of Syria's Central Bank, said in a statement on Thursday confirming the transaction. Symbolically, reactivation of the SWIFT system, the acronym for the global network for electronic transfers between banks, was one of the first concrete steps to indicate that Syria was moving beyond an extended period of isolation from the international financial community. Syrian banks were cut off from the international system through sanctions imposed soon after the ruling Assad regime began its long, brutal crackdown against Syrian pro-democracy demonstrators in 2011, which led to a 13-year civil war. The government of President Bashar al-Assad of Syria was ousted in December, when rebels took the capital, Damascus. 'This transaction marks the beginning of a new era for Syria,' said Jassem Ajaka, a Lebanese economic expert. 'This first SWIFT order symbolizes the end of sanctions and Syria's return under the umbrella of the international community.' Want all of The Times? Subscribe.
Khaleej Times
8 hours ago
- Politics
- Khaleej Times
'I just couldn't watch anymore': Former CNN anchor on the emotional cost of bearing witness
By the time Hala Gorani was ten, she had already delivered her first news report. But it wasn't on television or to an audience of millions. It was to her father, who was returning home after work, unaware that President Ronald Reagan had just survived an assassination attempt. Gorani, who had been glued to the special coverage on TV, relayed every detail she could remember. There were no phones then, no Internet. Just her childlike curiosity and the instinct to inform. 'I essentially reported it to him,' she recalls. 'And I was only ten.' That moment planted a seed. For Gorani, it was the start of a calling. One that would eventually span more than two decades at CNN, take her to the frontlines of conflict, and establish her as one of the most trusted faces in international news broadcasting. Today, Gorani is also a published author, with her recent memoir But You Don't Look Arab exploring identity, belonging, and the politics of perception through the lens of her own upbringing between Washington and Paris as a Syrian-American woman navigating the world. A childhood of contradictions Born to Syrian parents, Gorani grew up between Washington D.C. and Paris. Her childhood, like her identity, was a jigsaw of places, languages, and expectations. 'I have all these overlapping identities,' she says. 'And that made me, for a long time, feel out of place everywhere.' Her parents divorced early, splitting her upbringing across continents. Home was a fluid concept for Gorani, one not necessarily rooted in a postcode but in the rituals of constant movement and readjustment. 'My origin didn't match where I lived,' she adds. 'But now, more people than ever are in this situation. You're born in one country, raised in another, work in a third. So, where do you belong?' In cities like Dubai, where over 90 per cent of the population is non-Emirati, Gorani's sense of hybrid identity resonates deeply. 'You build your own definition of home,' she says. 'That's what I've learned to do.' Coming full circle Gorani's memoir isn't simply a personal reckoning but also a broader cultural reflection on what it means to live between identities, and how the label 'Arab' has been shaped, flattened, and misread by Western and even Middle Eastern societies alike. 'Even the title, 'But You Don't Look Arab', came from something I heard countless times,' she says. 'It speaks to the assumptions people make about how you're supposed to look, speak, or behave based on where you're from.' The book marks a new chapter in her career, but also reveals the same rigour that defined her journalism trajectory. She has previously covered the war in Iraq, the 2006 conflict in Lebanon, and the humanitarian crisis in Darfur, among others, always gravitating towards stories that humanise those on the margins. However, in 2022, after years of anchoring at CNN, a role widely viewed as the summit of broadcast journalism, Gorani chose to walk away from it all. 'You become a journalist because you want this sense of purpose, of telling stories, being where things happen,' she reflects. 'Anchoring a show, while prestigious, became more and more removed from that. I wanted to reconnect with why I started this journey.' Writing the memoir offered her that reconnection. It was a way of tracing the line through generations of her family — of women who moved, fled, or were uprooted, often without choice. 'I realised one generation after another, for one reason or another, migrated or felt displaced,' she adds. 'From the fall of the Ottoman Empire to Syria to France to the US, my great-great-grandmother was forced to move to a place she'd never seen before. I'm just one more stop on that long journey.' The cost of bearing witness With such deep-rooted displacement comes an instinct to bear witness and Gorani has done that, often at great personal cost. During the early days of the Syrian revolution, she watched harrowing videos daily: graphic footage of violence against demonstrators, scenes she now associates with post-traumatic stress. 'I became incapable of watching such videos anymore,' she admits. 'I'd take my earpiece out when anchoring if I knew the story was too hard. I just didn't want to hear children crying.' Recognising those emotional boundaries was, she says, an act of strength. 'You're not supposed to be desensitised to people getting killed. It's not a weakness to say 'I can't'. It's strength.' And even now, she draws her limits. 'I've never watched an ISIS execution video. I don't care who's in it. The thought is enough.' Gorani is also acutely aware of journalism's precarious future. 'The media industry is in flux. Legacy platforms are shrinking. Local papers are shutting. Social media has taken over but it doesn't pay journalists for their work,' she adds. 'I spent three and a half weeks fact-checking a story on Syria. That's what people don't see. Journalism takes time, and that's what makes it journalism.' Still, she understands why Gen-Z might hesitate to enter the field. 'You're competing not just with other networks now, but with TikTok, YouTube, everyone.' What keeps us from breaking? Her memoir contains a powerful line: 'As a journalist, I record the time, the place and the facts. As a human being, I want to know why some people don't break'. She pauses when asked where that resilience comes from. 'I don't know. I'm still observing,' she says. 'Some people are just born with more resilience. I've interviewed journalists in Gaza recently. Some are cracking, others are joking and smiling. Is it upbringing? Is it temperament? Maybe both.' And as for her? 'Oh, I break all the time,' she says, candidly. 'I'm emotionally porous. I cry often, just not on TV. I'd be worried if I didn't feel anything. That would mean something's wrong.' The introspection that shaped her memoir has also helped her make peace with belonging, she admits. Not by finding a single place to call home, but by returning to her purpose. 'For me, fieldwork is a higher calling. It takes me out of my own head,' she says. 'Some people find it through parenting, others through service. For me, it's this.' And in journeying back to the roots of her purpose, not a place, Gorani reminds us that belonging isn't always tied to geography. Sometimes, it's about doing the thing that anchors you, even when the ground beneath you keeps shifting.
The National
11 hours ago
- Politics
- The National
Assad-era general asks Iran for funds to launch anti-Israel front in Syria
A top military figure under Syria's former president Bashar Al Assad has contacted Tehran for financial support to rebuild Iran's influence in the country and strengthen its position as it comes under attack by Israel, a Syrian security official and former regime operatives has told The National. Iran is unlikely to divert resources from its current war effort but re-establishing a proxy presence in Syria could help it strategically in future, the sources said. The proposal to Tehran came from Ghiath Dalla, a brigadier general in elite Fourth Division, the praetorian guard of the former Iran-backed regime and the military unit closest to Iran, within the past 10 days. He is seeking hundreds of millions of dollars to create a militia drawn from former members of Mr Al Assad's now disbanded army that would fight Syria's new government led by Hayat Tahrir Al Sham and launch attacks on Israeli targets, the sources said. Mr Dalla, like most of his peers and the deposed president, is from the minority Alawite sect, an offshoot of Shiite Islam, that dominated Sunni-majority Syria after a coup in 1963. He is among thousands of Alawite security personnel who have been on the run after the Assad regime fell to HTS-led rebel forces on December 8. Hundreds of Alawite officers, including Mr Dalla, are believed to have fled to Lebanon, where the Iran-backed Hezbollah group still wields significant influence, despite heavy losses in its war with Israel last year. 'He thinks that the [Israel-Iran] war is a golden chance to unite the Alawites and form a resistance force supported by Iran,' said the security official, who requested anonymity. Mr Dalla commanded the 42nd Armoured Brigade, regarded as among the best-equipped and best-trained formations in the former military. During the 2011-2024 civil war it operated in southern Syria, from where proxy groups backed by Iran launched rocket attacks on Israel in the final year of the Assad regime. 'The south has remnants of Iranian proxies whom Dalla can re-activate to resume the attacks,' the security official said. The official said the seizure by authorities of Grad rockets at a warehouse in the southern Deraa province this week, and a rocket attack on June 3 on an Israeli-occupied area of the Golan Heights by a splinter Hezbollah group, were signs of the potential for destabilisation that could be boosted by Iranian money. The official, who was a rebel fighting the regime in the northern province of Idlib, said the threat from Mr Dalla and his followers could not be underestimated. 'We were like him, hiding in the woods of Idlib, bereft of support. Once support [from Arab countries and Turkey] started coming, the game changed quickly,' he said, referring to the early years of the civil war. The official would not be drawn on whom Mr Dalla has been in contact with in Iran, citing ongoing intelligence gathering. The contact was made directly, not through Hezbollah, he said. A prominent figure in the Alawite community said Mr Dalla's obvious recruiting pool comprises at least 100,000 former Alawite security personnel. Many of them, associated with atrocities under the former regime, have sought refuge in the Alawite Mountains in Syria's coastal region, the ancestral homeland of the minority sect. However, widespread killings of Alawites in the area by pro-government forces have raised fears that the community might not survive under the new government led by HTS, a group once affiliated with Al Qaeda. An estimated 1,300 Alawite civilians were killed over two days in March after gunmen from the sect resisted, mainly through ambushes, an HTS-led incursion into the Alawite Mountains. The security operation was aimed at cleansing the coastal provinces of regime remnants, according to the government. Mr Dalla's loyalists, called the Military Council for the Liberation of Syria, led the ultimately failed resistance. The Alawite figure said Mr Dalla and his men, who are believed to number several thousand, still have an underground arsenal consisting mainly of light weapons but also significant amounts of medium weaponry, such anti-aircraft guns mounted on pickup trucks. 'He has been depleted cash-wise. But he is counting on the spreading fears that the Alawites have no home and the only path is resistance to create an Alawite province.' He said many Alawites still see a future in acquiescing to the new order and do not want to be associated with Iran, and added that he himself had declined requests for money by insurgents associated with Mr Dalla. A former Syrian intelligence operative, who is also Alawite, said Mr Dalla was trying to fill the leadership vacuum in the community created by the fall of Mr Al Assad, who fled to Moscow. Unlike the former regime, Mr Dalla is, in the main, not viewed as corrupt. He is also religious, unlike the secular Assads, which would make him more trustworthy to Iran. In contrast to the Assads, who have 'sacrificed the Alawites' for their own survival, Mr Dalla is a more ideological figure who believes that the only way for the community to survive is a long-term fight supported by Iran to a break away from Syria, the former intelligence operative said. Observers are split on how much advantage a Iran would have had in the war with Israel had the Assad regime survived the civil war. After Israeli attacks on Syrian security personnel and military infrastructure in 2023-2024, signs emerged that Mr Al Assad viewed his alliance with Iran as too costly for the regime. It remains an open question whether the former president was willing, or able, to stop Iran from using Syria as a conduit for weapons and supplies to Hezbollah, once considered Tehran's first line of defence against Israel. The Israeli military had already largely destroyed Syrian air defences by the time Mr Al Assad was ousted, giving its air force freedom to operate over Syria. However, Iran would be striking at Israel from short range with missiles and drones launched from Syria, instead of relying solely on long-distance attacks, had the former regime remained, a former member of Mr Al Assad's military said. 'It would have made a difference had they not lost Syria,' the source said. 'But nowhere near enough to gain a decisive advantage'.
