Latest news with #StateCapture
Daily Maverick
3 days ago
- Business
- Daily Maverick
After the Bell: Want a decision from the SA government? Don't hold your breath
There are plenty of cases where the government just takes a long time to make decisions. Even decisions that need to be made by one person can take forever. In some cases, the process is just too technical, with too many steps. And while it can be frustrating, it is also really expensive for our economy. One of the great and terrible certainties about South African life is that you know any kind of government process is just going to take forever. And while it can be frustrating and taxing, in the end it is also hugely expensive for our economy. On Tuesday, 17 June 2025, BusinessLIVE reported on the CEO of Afrimat, who had told shareholders in the annual report that a delay by the Competition Tribunal over its deal with Lafarge SA might have cost the company about R185-million. That's because while the tribunal was considering the case, the equipment, including kilns, fell into disrepair. By the time the tribunal allowed the deal, it was exactly a year since it was first announced. And remember, all the tribunal had to do was consider the recommendations of the Competition Commission — it wasn't as if they were starting the entire case from scratch. Something similar has happened with the Vodacom-Maziv deal, where the two want to work together to roll out fibre. This is something that should greatly benefit our economy. That case took three years before the Competition Tribunal eventually ruled that the merger could not go ahead. And even then, the parties had to wait for months before the final reasons were actually published. Considering how the fibre market has changed in the past three years, this might well have a material impact on whether the deal still has the same value as it did when it was announced. It's easy to pick on the Competition Tribunal. And we should. But there are plenty of other cases where the government just takes a long time to make decisions. In some cases, the process is just too technical, with too many steps. There are also, arguably, too many different forums. For example, Vodacom now has to appeal against the Competition Tribunal ruling in the Competition Appeal Court. It is even possible that if it fails there, it could go to the Constitutional Court. That would mean the whole thing will probably take more than five years. But it is not just our judicial and legal processes that take a long time. Even decisions that need to be made by one person can take forever. Jacob Zuma once took nearly two years just to appoint a new head of the Special Investigating Unit. That was clearly political; he didn't want anyone in the job for reasons that became pretty obvious. But President Cyril Ramaphosa sometimes isn't much better. The head of the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), Shamila Batohi, has asked him to suspend the head of prosecutions in Joburg, Andrew Chauke. He is accused of a litany of sins, including sabotaging prosecutions during the State Capture era. Her request was made nearly two years ago. And Ramaphosa has still not made a decision. Considering that he has claimed to want to support our independent institutions, and the NPA, what could his motive possibly be? Two weeks ago, Police Minister Senzo Mchunu withdrew an advert for a new head of the Hawks, after Godfrey Lebeya retired. The process to find a new head will now start again, meaning they will be without a boss for four months. At least. And I'll bet you the cost of a double ticket to see the Springboks at Ellis Park that it will take longer than that. There are many other examples. Former Department of Trade, Industry and Competition Minister Ebrahim Patel was accused by the current head of the National Lotteries Commission, Professor Barney Pityana, of delaying the appointment of the agents who formally assign money to groups that are supposed to benefit from it. The current Health Minister, Dr Aaron Motsoaledi, appeared to take forever to publish regulations around the digital nomad visa when he was at Home Affairs. In the end the new minister, Leon Schreiber, had to do it. And was able to claim something for the DA in the process. I think sometimes when there is a long delay we have to ask who is really responsible. In the case of the Competition Tribunal, it is not just that they make decisions businesspeople don't like. It's that the delay is caused because they don't have enough members. As columnist Michael Avery has pointed out, it appears to be seriously understaffed. By the way, they're not the only ones. Mbekezeli Benjamin from Judges Matter once pointed out that the Electoral Court had been without a full complement of staff for a full five years. That's astonishing, no matter how you look at it. And it's only because of the politicians; they are the ones who are ultimately in charge. When there are delays like this, I think we're entitled to ask why. And this is the risk to the politicians. When Ramaphosa can't make up his mind about Andrew Chauke for two years, it looks like he's defending him, even if he's not. When tribunals and courts are left without their full complement of judges and commissioners, it must make them weaker. But sometimes it can be something else. DM
Daily Maverick
3 days ago
- Politics
- Daily Maverick
‘I will not step down,' NPA head Shamila Batohi tells MPs
With much riding on the shoulders of the NPA's Shamila Batohi, she says she won't quit amid calls for her resignation. Shamila Batohi, the head of the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), has made it clear that she will not leave her position as National Director of Public Prosecutions (NDPP) following renewed calls for her resignation amid growing concerns about the NPA's failure to prosecute State Capture cases. 'I want to say that, as the NDPP, I will not be stepping down because I believe that we are doing a really good job to serve the people of this country – as we have been – and, particularly, the victims of crime,' Batohi told MPs in Parliament. Batohi was responding to demands for her resignation by uMkhonto Wesizwe (MK) MP Sibonelo Nomvalo and Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) MP Mathibe Mohlala during a parliamentary justice committee meeting on Tuesday, 17 June. Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development Mmamoloko Kubayi also appeared before the committee to table the department's annual performance plan. Batohi has faced fresh calls to resign or be removed from office in recent weeks, after the NPA was accused of bungling the extradition of Moroadi Cholota, the former personal assistant of corruption-accused former Free State premier Ace Magashule. The Free State Division of the High Court in Bloemfontein ruled earlier this month that Cholota's extradition from the United States was unlawful and unconstitutional on the grounds that the extradition had been requested by the NPA rather than Kubayi. Judge Phillip Loubser concluded that the court therefore did not have the jurisdiction to try her. The mishandling of Cholota's extradition was the latest in a series of NPA failures in prosecuting high-profile State Capture cases. Other mishaps include the institution's failure to secure a conviction of pastor Timothy Omotoso and the failed extradition of the fugitive Gupta brothers in April 2023. Following the Cholota ruling, ActionSA called for Batohi's removal as NDPP and for a 'full parliamentary inquiry' into the NPA's failures. The DA proposed a set of reforms to 'rescue South Africa's broken' NPA. In an interview with SABC Morning Live Host Leanne Manas hours before the DA and ActionSA issued their statements, Batohi said that there were 'less than a dozen' matters that had 'led to this very, very severe criticism of the NPA'. 'There certainly have been setbacks and I don't want to underplay that. There've been major setbacks for the institution. But we're dealing with them,' Batohi said. Batohi took the same line with Parliament on Tuesday, saying she conceded that there 'have been about a dozen cases' for which the NPA had received 'a lot of flak'. However, last week the NPA scored a major win when the Supreme Court of Appeal (SCA) overturned a Bloemfontein judge's decision to acquit all the accused in the R24.9-million Nulane Investments case, Daily Maverick's Ferial Haffajee reported. This came after acting judge Nompumelelo Gush threw out the case in April 2023, against three former Free State officials, long-time Gupta enterprise employee Ronica Ragavan and businessman Iqbal Sharma. The SCA order means the accused face a retrial before a new judge. Batohi said the SCA order 'vindicates' the NPA and its prosecutor, because 'the courts agreed with our view'. 'The point I make is that there are legal processes, and I urge that we consider these cases individually,' she said. Batohi said there are 'huge systemic problems in the criminal justice system' and as NDPP, she would 'welcome some kind of commission that looks into systemic issues' about addressing South Africa's high crime rate. 'There are huge challenges within the NPA, within the police, [and] within the court system that we need to address to try and address the crime problem in our country,' she said. NPA doing a 'fantastic job' At the meeting, the MK's Mohlala accused Batohi of being 'incompetent', saying that under her leadership the NPA – which he ironically said 'used to enjoy integrity and credibility' – has been turned into 'a basket of shame'. 'We are very surprised that she has not resigned; it means she has a very stubborn conscience,' said Mohlala. He further accused Kubayi of misleading the House when she, in her earlier remarks, said that the NPA had been doing 'a fantastic job' concerning Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) matters, particularly the work of the Missing Persons Task Team. 'Maybe you can fool your friends, not us,' said Mohlala. At the end of the meeting, Batohi hit back at Mohlala's comments, praising the work of the NPA. 'The question was asked whether we are doing a fantastic job, and I'd like to say that the NPA is, in fact, doing a fantastic job,' she said. 'I will never mislead this House. My integrity is really important and I will always be fair and honest. There are some things that we may not be able to speak about, but I will always be transparent and share whatever I can with the people of this country,' said Batohi. In the National Council of Provinces (NCOP) later on Tuesday afternoon, Kubayi was again confronted with questions about the performance of the NPA. 'We do take cognisance of the public outcry and we do pay attention to what is being raised… If we look at these two cases [Omotoso and Cholota] there are lessons to be learnt out of them and more work can be done by [supporting] and providing in terms of oversight over some of the cases,' said the minister. Kubayi highlighted some of the institution's gains. 'The NPA has moved from an annual performance of 50% in [the] 2020-21 financial year, to an organisation that is performing at 73% in 2023-24… Though challenges remain, the improvement in performance is a demonstration of a well-capacitated, well-resourced organisation,' she said. DM
Daily Maverick
3 days ago
- Politics
- Daily Maverick
Reimagining unity: The imperative of National Dialogue 2.0 in SA's political crisis
It is a common cause that 31 years after the formal demise of apartheid, the promises, great expectations and dreams of democracy are rapidly turning into horrific nightmares for the poor and disadvantaged. At the same time (new and old) elites rule the roost. Socioeconomic and spatial inequalities of the apartheid era widened while the politically connected continued to accumulate wealth and power at the expense of the poor. Crime and corruption escalated exponentially and are inextricably connected to political elites; global mafia operations of every genre magnetically gravitate to our country; and gender-based violence is a pandemic. South Africa has one of the highest unemployment rates in the world (33%), especially among young adults. The poor have inadequate access to essential services like water, electricity, healthcare and basic education. Many of these challenges were aggravated by State Capture. As highlighted by the Zondo Commission, State Capture in South Africa involved the systematic and deliberate subversion of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) for private gain. State Capture eroded good governance practices within SOEs and government departments (including law enforcement and intelligence services), decreasing operational performance and effectiveness. This entailed influencing appointments, procurement procedures, governance, and institutional structures to favour specific individuals and organisations. Key SOEs like Eskom, Transnet, and South African Airways were significantly affected by State Capture, with subsequent multiplier effects on all aspects of South African life, destroying the economy. Hegemonic rule of the ANC All these problems and challenges were aggravated during the hegemonic rule and reign of one political party, the ANC. Not surprisingly, some of its senior members were implicated in the State Capture report. Still, no one has yet been convicted because of the hollowing out of capacity in the National Prosecuting Authority. When he was firmly ensconced on the throne, Jacob Zuma said on more than one occasion that the 'ANC will rule until Jesus returns'. However, there were some obvious indications that the ANC was haemorrhaging — for example, in the 2021 Local Government Elections it received 45.59% of the vote. In the May 2024 General Elections, the ANC lost its parliamentary majority, winning 40.18% of the vote. Ironically, Zuma's newly established uMkhonto Wesizwe (MK) party (while he still claimed to be a disciplined member of the ANC) eroded the support of the ANC, winning 14.58% of the vote. The notion of a National Dialogue entered the public domain against the background of the ANC's declining electoral support. Former president Thabo Mbeki initially proposed a national dialogue in May 2024, calling for 'seismic reflections'. This was endorsed by President Cyril Ramaphosa, who in his inauguration address after the May 2024 national elections, invited 'all parties, civil society, labour, business and other formations to a National Dialogue on the critical challenges facing the nation'. Ramaphosa said: 'By establishing the Government of National Unity, by preparing for a National Dialogue, we have deliberately set ourselves along the path towards a 'co-operation nation'. We would like all of us as South Africans to behave like 'weaver birds'… despite all the challenges, despite our differences, despite all the headwinds.' Political legitimacy There is a view that ruling elites have frequently utilised National Dialogues to obtain or regain political legitimacy. According to the Geneva-based Inclusive Peace and Transition Initiative: 'National Dialogues are typically convened when the fundamental nature or survival of a government in power is questioned. Thus, they usually intend to redefine the relationship between the state, political actors, and society by negotiating a new social contract.' A National Dialogue can be used for peacebuilding and reconciliation to increase confidence and trust among national actors, encourage inclusive engagement, and advance agreement on critical social, political, and economic challenges. The National Dialogue Handbook defines National Dialogues as 'nationally owned political processes aimed at generating consensus among a broad range of national stakeholders in times of deep political crisis, in post-war situations or during far-reaching political transitions'. The goal is for national leaders (political, business, religious, civil society, sports, etc.) across the ideological spectrum to debate, discuss and encourage inclusive engagement and advance agreement on significant social, political, and economic challenges. It is worth noting that the first National Dialogue was the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (Codesa), which took place in Johannesburg in December 1991. It was a critical step in the process of transitioning South Africa from apartheid to a democratic state. Nineteen political organisations participated, including the ruling National Party and the dominant African National Congress (ANC), comprising 228 delegates. Key aspects of Codesa included signing a 'Declaration of Intent' committing to negotiations and creating a new, democratic Constitution. The parties agreed on the principles of a unified, democratic, and non-racial South Africa, with a supreme Constitution and an independent judiciary. Crucial step Codesa established the foundation for negotiations for a democratic South Africa. While there were many disagreements, Codesa was a crucial step in the process of dismantling apartheid and building a new nation. The procedure was sufficiently adaptable to permit the creation of new forums and committees and modifications to existing ones based on political exigencies. As South Africa's transition from apartheid proceeded (with all its twists and turns), a Multi-Party Negotiating Process was established in March 1993, culminating in the adoption of an interim Constitution and preparations for the country's first non-racial elections. Parties with opposing views had to make substantial concessions during this process. Given the protracted conflict and violent past, the comparatively quiet and orderly democratic transition was praised globally as a miracle. Essential outcomes from the first National Dialogue were the Reconstruction and Development Programme and the Constitution. The National Development Plan, which presented a long-term vision and goals for South Africa to achieve by 2030, was released in 2012. All three documents can influence outcomes in the National Dialogue 2.0. There is no need to reinvent the wheel. Almost a year after it was initially proposed, on 10 June 2025, Ramaphosa released the names of the Eminent Persons Group to 'guide and champion the National Dialogue'. The problems in South Africa cannot be solved by National Dialogues alone. For a National Dialogue to be successful, several challenges must be addressed, including political actors' opposition and resistance to change, a lack of support from groups, persistent violence, crime, corruption, instability, and a lack of inclusivity. The National Dialogue 2.0 should not be about saving the ANC. It is about saving our country. All stakeholders must put their shoulders to the wheel, rise above personal, parochial, and party interests, and put South Africa first.
Daily Maverick
4 days ago
- Entertainment
- Daily Maverick
Pulling State Capture out of Ass and reclaiming it for Sass as politics and plagiarism collide
I feared we'd lose Faith Muthambi forever a couple of seasons ago. Please Sass writers, we need to hear more from this queen. Perhaps a spinoff show? A reality show? The Real House Ministers of the National Assembly? Dear writers of the South Africa Sh*t Show. Thank you so much for reading my monthly reviews of the South Africa Sh*t Show (Sass) and taking my constructive feedback into consideration. When I last wrote about Sass, back in April, it was an open letter to my editor, to submit my notice of resignation over her refusal to investigate the writers of the America Sh*t Show (Ass) for intellectual property theft, specifically their plagiarism of Sass's most original storyline, State Capture. Upon receiving my notice of resignation, she immediately wished me well on my future endeavours, clearly demonstrating a lack of gratitude for my great contribution to culture as our country's all-time greatest non-award-winning film critic. I've since decided to retract the resignation, for your sake of course. As I informed my editor in my resignation retraction email, I'll let her off the hook this time, but she is to consider my now-retracted resignation letter as the first written warning from me; one or five more strikes and that's it, I will resign! But for now, I must humbly accept the tough reality that the local film industry needs me, as demonstrated by the changes you've made since my open letter of resignation was published. It is clear that you realised the gravity of the intellectual property theft that Trump's Ass engaged in by plagiarizing the State Capture storyline. When I read that you'd brought back 'Gupta-era minister Lynne Brown' to help the ANC with its Western Cape strategy, I knew you were pulling State Capture out of that Ass and bringing it back home where it belongs. With Brown's return the show, almost all the 'Gupta ministers' are back in play. Bravo!!! Her fellow Gupta ministers, Faith Muthambi and Malusi Gigaba, have long returned to Parliament as ANC MPs. We still await former mines minister Mosebenzi Zwane's return, but hopefully it won't be much longer now, Sass always delivers. I feared we'd lose Faith Muthambi forever a couple of seasons ago when the Zondo Commission found that 'she had abused her powers in a number of instances. In these circumstances, the finding to make is that Ms Muthambi had unlawfully (shared) that confidential information with the Guptas and their associates. It was quite clear that she was doing so in order to talk to their friend, (then) President Zuma, to ensure that she had certain powers as Minister of Communications.' The Thloloe Commission on the other hand, came to the 'conclusion that Muthambi had abused her power to influence news coverage by the SABC'. Then of course there was that Sunday Times report about the R300,000 of public funds she spent on, among other things, flying 30 friends and family to her Budget speech. A little more than a year later, circa 2019, she ranked a lowly 79th on the ANC National Party List. Thankfully, the ANC has given her a few more government gigs since then, and even rewarded her with an appointment as a member of the ANC's influential National Disciplinary Committee. After taking a much needed 18-month sabbatical, in May last year she returned to her seat in the National Assembly, and is now ranked 38th on the ANC National Party List. What a legend!!! Please Sass writers, we need to hear more from this queen. Perhaps a spinoff show with the freshly returned Lynne Brown? A reality show? The Real House Ministers of the National Assembly? An upcoming film reviewer and ardent fan of Sass, Ferial Haffajee, recently made a good observation on these very pages: 'Brown was at the heart of the State Capture project as she enabled the Gupta network at Eskom, Transnet and Denel by using her position as the minister of public enterprises to influence board appointments at various state-owned companies, the commission of inquiry into State Capture found.' When Sassy met Assy in the Oval While I had my doubts about the recent 'Sass and Ass in the Oval' crossover special episode, I couldn't deny the brilliance of the Sass writers in that moment. Maestro Malema's rendition of a South African classic, beamed on screens worldwide; a truly outstanding and nuanced portrayal of the bittersweet taste of success. Here be Malema finally on top of the world, his name uttered by presidents and top golfers alike. Yet, as viewers we knew that this moment that he had long dreamt of reached him at his loneliest, abandoned by comrades, his face deserted by collagen. Is that not a perfect metaphor for life itself, that the moments we dream of and work towards never come in the neatly nationalised package we imagined. So much to think about. Still, another moment just as bittersweet: seated there in the Ass Oval opposite Trump was that dear John character; at the apotheosis of his career, finally a member of the ruling class; a moment beamed on screens all over the world. Alas, his president would soon reveal his role as little more than window-dressing to demonstrate to the world the country's ongoing commitment to its White Economic Empowerment programme (WEE). No sooner had he made peace with his role as a token, his aptitude for governance was questioned live in front of the world by the country's CEO, one very snitchy Mr Rupert. 'Mr Steenhuisen won't admit that he runs the Western Cape where I live, and the biggest murder rate is in the Cape Flats,' CEO Rupert snitched to literally millions of people. Why are CEOs always the biggest snitches?!? Meanwhile, as the maestro and the WEE beneficiary embraced these bittersweet moments in the global spotlight, one Ms Zille watched and wondered when her 'one moment in time, when I'm all that I thought I could be' — as the late great Whitney Houston sang — would come to fruition. She knew deep within her heart that it should be her up there on those screens, not some token. Never one to give up on a dream, be it trying out drag or Comedy Central roasts, she continues to pursue her 'one moment in time'. Rumour has it you guys might have a Joburg mayorship storyline lined up for her. Please give the poor thing her happy ending already, give her her moment, let her have that mayorship and let everything work out. Let her zeal fill every pothole. That said, beyond the return of State Capture, I'm quite captivated by this moving exploration of themes of aspiration, desperation and betrayal, as demonstrated by the rise and fall of Maestro Malema, and the insatiable appetite for the limelight that still consumes Septuagenarian Zille. I'm especially touched by the heartbreaking Steenhuisen storyline. While we may not have had the experience of the richest and most powerful men telling the whole world that we're the kind of WEE candidate who's not up to the job, I think many of us can relate to what it feels to always be reminded that nobody thinks you deserve your position in life. With such great writing and performances in the bag, I have no doubt the future of Sass is in safe hands. And that Ass can plagiarise all they want, they can even keep Sass's most crooked export, Mr Musk; but State Capture is surely coming back to its originators, the South Africa Sh*t Show, the Cradle of Crooked Kind. DM
IOL News
13-06-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Shamila Batohi: The scapegoat for a rotten system?
AS Shamila Batohi enters the final stretch of her tenure as NDPP, the knives are out. Image: File AS Shamila Batohi enters the final stretch of her tenure as National Director of Public Prosecutions (NDPP), the knives are out. The timing is telling, the tone unmistakably hostile, and the message dangerously simplistic: blame Batohi for everything. But is she the villain of the story, or its most convenient scapegoat? There's no denying that the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) has suffered high-profile failures under Batohi's watch. The acquittal of Nigerian televangelist Timothy Omotoso on over 30 charges of sexual assault and the recent courtroom blow to the Ace Magashule case, due to procedural issues around the extradition of his former PA, have added to public disillusionment. These losses are symbolic, in the public's eye, of the State's continued failure to deliver justice in a country crying out for accountability. But this narrative, while emotionally satisfying, is intellectually lazy. To understand the failings of the NPA means confronting a far deeper institutional rot, one that long predates Batohi and continues to fester beneath the surface. Shamila Batohi stepped into an institution that was deliberately hollowed out during the State Capture years. The NPA was not just neglected, it was actively sabotaged. Key skills were drained, senior positions were politicised, and internal structures were rigged to favour impunity. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ This wasn't just corruption; it was counter-intelligence in motion, engineered to ensure that those in power would never face consequences. By the time Batohi took the helm in 2019, the institution was functionally compromised. The expectation that she alone could reverse a decade of decay in five years is not just unrealistic, it borders on cruel. Yet when Batohi speaks of 'infiltration' and sabotage from within her own ranks, the reaction is to ridicule, not investigate. That should alarm us. One has to ask: why now? Why, with just six months remaining in her tenure, is the call to replace Batohi growing louder, especially when those calls are paired with a push to 'change the appointment model' for the next NDPP? What lies beneath these headlines could be more than frustration over legal losses. It may well be an elite-driven campaign to ensure that the prosecuting authority remains fragmented, leaderless, and easily manipulated. Batohi's assertion that some prosecutors are actively working with criminals is explosive. If true, it would explain much about the NPA's difficulties in successfully prosecuting powerful figures. It would also point to the continuation of a covert war within the institution, a silent battle between reformers and holdouts from the State Capture era. Her walk-back on the word 'infiltration' has been used to discredit her, but even the toned-down version, that cases are being 'deliberately sabotaged', is a shocking indictment of the institution. And yet, this revelation has been brushed aside in favour of personal attacks on Batohi's leadership. Why are we more comfortable questioning her credibility than investigating the systemic treachery she is pointing to? Let us be clear: the public has every right to demand accountability, performance, and progress from the NPA. But those demands must be grounded in a recognition of the profound institutional crisis that the NPA continues to navigate. To put it bluntly: the house is on fire, and instead of supporting the firefighter, we're blaming her for the flames. Batohi's critics cite case losses as evidence of failure, but in the same breath, they ignore her warnings about prosecutors aiding suspects. They demand better results — yet they scoff at her request for greater support, resources, and protections. They want justice, but not the institutional stability required to deliver it. Leadership, especially in the public service, is as much about what you prevent as what you achieve. It's entirely possible that Batohi's quiet successes, the building of new investigative directorates, the cleanup of internal hiring, and her persistent refusal to bow to political pressure have made her a threat to those who preferred a captured or pliable NPA. If that's true, then the campaign to discredit her is not about justice. It's about power. And so the question becomes: do we, as a society, want a prosecuting authority that works, or one that serves? We can, and should, scrutinise Batohi's record. But let's not be so eager for a scapegoat that we ignore the system that created the crisis in the first place. The very idea of criminal infiltration within the NPA should send shockwaves through the public sphere. Instead, we yawn and demand her resignation.
