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Gulf Today
15-06-2025
- Business
- Gulf Today
Natalie Jayasuriya speaks about her tryst with fashion
It was during COVID-19 that Natalie Jayasuriya, born in the UK to Sri Lankan parents, identified an opportunity in the online fashion market. Recognising a gap, she launched FROKME, a multi-vendor platform and her own brand FROK, a label that not only catered to a growing demand for fashion and style, but also supported Sri Lanka's local apparel industry, which was struggling during the crisis. Her commitment to empowering local vendors and artisans has been a cornerstone of her philosophy. Since its inception, FROK has grown beyond Sri Lanka, launching in India in 2023 and expanding to the UAE in 2024. Natalie has also opened her first boutique in Colombo, FROKME, cementing her status as a fashion entrepreneur. is now online in the UAE. 'Fashion can intersect with social service in several ways, both directly and indirectly,' says AI. 'Directly, fashion can be used as a tool for social service, such as through ethical and sustainable fashion practices that benefit workers and the environment. Focusing on fair labour standards, environmental sustainability, and responsible sourcing, can directly benefit workers and the planet.' Lisa Maynard-Atem, award winning entrepreneur has this to say about the social role of fashion: 'When we think about social justice, sustainability, and fashion,' she says, 'they may seem like parallel, rather than intersecting, worlds. But are they truly so separate? I believe they are inextricably linked. Fashion has become a daily avenue for us to express not only who we are, but also what we stand for. And in the quest for sustainability, it becomes clearer that addressing social justice issues isn't a by-product; it is a foundational step.' Natalie Jayasuriya speaks to Gulf Today about her rendezvous with fashion Tell us about your journey into fashion and what inspired you to launch FROK. I realised fashion was a language I could use to tell stories. FROK was born from a desire to dress women like me — driven, dynamic, and constantly on the move — without compromising individuality or impact. My pieces are vibrant and definitely for the woman who wants to stand out! As a Sri Lankan-British entrepreneur now operating in Dubai, how have your multicultural roots influenced FROK's aesthetic and brand values? Massively. I grew up straddling cultures, which gave me a deep appreciation for bold contrasts and unique blends. FROK reflects that — its east meets west, tradition meets edge. Our prints, silhouettes, and styling are a celebration of heritage with a modern-day hustle twist. How has your background in dance and the arts shaped your creative process as a fashion designer? Dance taught me discipline, perfection, and presence — all of which influence how I run any of my businesses today. I am not a fashion designer, but Creative Head of FROK. When creating anything new it's not just about making someone look good — it's about commanding space. You've supported local Sri Lankan artisans and vendors all through your journey. Tell us why that's so important to you. Because that's where the soul is. Sri Lanka is rich in craftsmanship, and working with local artisans allows us to keep those traditions alive while also creating employment and visibility. It's not just fashion — it's impact. Why did you choose Dubai as a chapter in your fashion journey? Dubai is bold, diverse, and unapologetically fast-paced — just like FROK. The energy here is magnetic, and I knew the city would not only appreciate our aesthetic but push us to grow in ways we hadn't imagined yet. Dubai has been like a second home to me since I was a child and it was an obvious choice to me, even though I know it will be a very hard market to tap into. What challenges have you faced as a female entrepreneur and how have you overcome them? There have been many — navigating cultural expectations, funding hurdles, and constantly having to prove your worth. But I've learned to lead with clarity, resilience, and a killer work ethic. I don't wait for a seat at the table — I build my own.
The Hindu
11-06-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
Sri Lanka's 13th Amendment at a Crossroads: Can the NPP Deliver on Minority Rights and Devolution?
Published : Jun 11, 2025 14:42 IST - 5 MINS READ Until a new, inclusive constitution is developed, Sri Lanka should implement the provisions of the 13th Amendment to its Constitution and hold elections to the provincial councils in the island nation, an academic study has said. The study, titled 'Divided and weakened: the collapse of minority politics in Sri Lanka', has been authored by Sri Lankan-British scholar Farah Mihlar and was released on June 11 by the Minority Rights Group, an international human rights organisation, and Oxford Brookes University. According to the study, the need of the hour was 'constitutional reforms that strengthen minority rights and non-discrimination'. The study also wanted the Sri Lankan government to find 'a political solution to the ethnic conflict acceptable to all communities that involves devolving power to minorities beyond the Thirteenth Amendment.' Also Read | Anura Dissanayake: The outsider with a difference The report acknowledged the fact that the Anura Kumara Dissanayake-led National People's Power (NPP) government, with its two-thirds majority, has a unique opportunity to transform the national narrative. Historic opportunity for NPP It said: 'The NPP historic opportunity to produce a constitution that represents all communities in Sri Lanka. Considering the many rights and justice claims that have a long history and were causes of the conflict, earnestly resolving them should be a priority for all political parties, mainstream national and ethnic minority ones alike, to ensure a just and lasting peace in Sri Lanka.' The 13th Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution devolves powers to the Tamil-dominated Northern and Eastern provinces, and was part of an accord signed by Sri Lankan President J.R. Jayawardene and Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in 1987. That accord still remains the only hope for some autonomy for the Tamils of Sri Lanka. Rajiv Gandhi's defeat in the 1989 general election and the subsequent instability in India's polity for the next few years gave Sri Lanka the escape route it was looking for. The killing of Rajiv Gandhi in 1991 and the lack of interest in the Sri Lankan solution during Narasimha Rao's tenure as Prime Minister (1991-96) ensured that India did not push forward the implementation of the accord. However, many Sri Lankan politicians, across the ethnic divide, find the 13th Amendment unacceptable. Sinhala politicians consider it Indian interference in Sri Lankan affairs, while Tamil politicians say that the amendment will be of no effective consequence because power will only be transferred from the Sinhala majoritarian government in Colombo to the Governors appointed by the same federal government to the provinces. The NPP government, which was propelled to power because of people's disenchantment with the established political parties, has held elections to the local bodies. But so far, it has not announced a firm date for elections to the provincial councils. In the local body elections, NPP won a huge majority, winning over 250 of the 339 local body councils, but its vote share dropped by an alarming 34 per cent compared to the 2024 parliamentary election. In April 2025, when Dissanayake met Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi, Modi urged him to hold provincial elections. Collapse of minority politics The Farah Mihlar study noted that 'ethnic minority parties from all three minority communities [Tamils, Muslims and plantation Tamils] have splintered into several factions, and the larger, more popular ones are internally deeply divided. These divides have been caused in part as a consequence of majoritarian nationalism, but also due to weak leadership and allegations of corruption within parties.' The study concluded that minorities in the country have 'lost almost all space in the big political parties in Sri Lanka'. These parties cater to Sinhala nationalism and view this as the one and only route to political power. Minority politics in the nation is collapsing because of a host of factors ranging from corruption to minority political parties taking extreme positions. Since the end of the civil war in 2009, prominent minority parties, including the largest party, the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (ITAK), have struggled to define their political path, given the prevalence of Tamil ultranationalism in the areas formerly affected by the civil war. The study said: 'Ethnic minority parties from among the second largest minority, Muslims, and the smaller Malaiyaga Tamil community (of recent Indian origin), present a story of disarray, division and lost credibility. These parties have erratically switched allegiances with nationalist mainstream parties trying to capitalise on shifting alliances and coalition formation, which eventually damaged them deeply. Their own lack of openness to new leadership and progressive reforms, amidst allegations of corruption, has not helped their cause.' Change in strategy At the national level, the study noted that there has been a change in strategy on minority representation: instead of fielding minority candidates, these parties are forming alliances and coalitions with ethnic minority parties while offering less space inside their own parties for both minority representatives and minority issues. Also Read | Is Sri Lanka witnessing a shift in its ethnic politics? It added: 'Minority representatives who have been elected from the former two major parties, the United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), and their various fronts have felt isolated, with little opportunity to take up minority issues in national party agendas.' It is in this context that recent NPP actions in many councils need to be seen. In Batticaloa, for instance, ITAK joined hands with the main opposition party, the Samagi Jana Balawegaya. to win the post of Mayor. The NPP, which stands for clean politics, joined hands with Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Puligal, whose leader, Pillayan, is in jail on a kidnapping and killing charge. He is also accused of aiding and abetting those behind the April 2019 Easter attacks. Shanakiyan Rasamanickam, MP and ITAK leader, said: 'Given that Pillayan remains in custody over multiple serious allegations, the NPP's willingness to align with such a figure in pursuit of power has raised serious concerns.' As of today, with 159 MPs NPP's dominance in parliament is absolute. But it is increasingly under attack for its policies and what is seen as a lack of competence in governance. Despite the setbacks in governance, NPP has the unique opportunity to go beyond what other ruling combines have attempted on the political reconciliation front so far.
