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South Sudan: Free medical care by Indian peacekeepers gives hope to over 300 displaced people
South Sudan: Free medical care by Indian peacekeepers gives hope to over 300 displaced people

Zawya

time14 hours ago

  • Health
  • Zawya

South Sudan: Free medical care by Indian peacekeepers gives hope to over 300 displaced people

As security concerns continue in parts of Upper Nile state, the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) is making every effort to protect civilians and boost community confidence. As an example—Blue Helmets from India hosted a two-day medical outreach at the UN Protection of Civilians site, adjacent to the Mission's base in Malakal where some 315 displaced people received free treatment. Patients suffering from various ailments were diagnosed and provided with care options. For Dr. Sandeep Ravi, a medical peacekeeper, such interventions lie at the heart of the UN Peacekeeping mission's mandate to help build lasting peace in this country. 'Accessible and inclusive healthcare is key for communities to thrive. Across Upper Nile state, conflict has disrupted not only people's lives and livelihoods but also reduced the number of available health facilities. So, we decided to come together and, for a limited time, bridge this gap as much as possible,' he explained. 'Bringing quality healthcare directly to communities goes beyond free consultations and treatment. It gives hope to people who are most vulnerable.' Mary Joseph, a 20-year-old patient, can testify to Dr Ravi's opinion. 'I've had a problem with my leg for three months now but had no money to pay for treatment at the local clinics in town. Today, Indian doctors have examined me carefully and given me medications to treat the condition as well as manage my pain. I hope I can restart my small business soon,' she said with a smile. Albino Amum, a community leader residing at the camp who helped peacekeepers mobilize this event, described the activity as timely and significant. 'Earlier, we were receiving healthcare from various international and nongovernmental organizations, but we understand that there is a reduction in funding, which has left a big vacuum. So, this medical drive by our friends at UNMISS came at a very opportune time. We hope they'll consider doing similar activities for us for five or six days in future. It makes a big difference for those who are financially constrained yet need urgent health checks,' stated Mr. Amum. For his part, Dr. Ravi reveals that the biggest satisfaction was the response from community members. 'As medical professionals and peacekeepers, there is no greater reward than the genuine appreciation we have received from the displaced communities we treated. I believe this initiative is a testament to what collective effort and compassion can achieve in strengthening public health.' Distributed by APO Group on behalf of United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS).

Why Do We Still Have a Shade Inclusivity Problem in 2025?
Why Do We Still Have a Shade Inclusivity Problem in 2025?

Vogue

time19 hours ago

  • Entertainment
  • Vogue

Why Do We Still Have a Shade Inclusivity Problem in 2025?

While wandering my local Sephora recently in search of a new foundation, I was faced with my usual dilemma: As I traveled down the skintone rainbow, there became fewer and fewer options toward the end. My skin skews more chestnut or toasted brown—and for years, I've had to mix and match different shades to make one work. I cannot begin to depict how many complexion products I have had to pass up on simply because I'm unable to find a shade that fits my skin tone, and I am aware that the issue is exacerbated for those with deeper skin than mine. It's a problem many people of color experience—as evidenced by testimonials from friends and peers, or more prominently, on social media, where TikTok has evolved into the most involved social listening platform—an open line of communications between brands and the consumers they serve. Though these days, it feels like that service ends around a certain complexion. 'I started creating beauty content because I couldn't find myself in the beauty space,' Golloria George, a beloved content creator with 3.2 million followers on TikTok, tells me. Her experience as a dark-skinned South Sudanese woman inspired her influencing journey in the first place. George was tired of trying the 'deepest' shade of a brand's complexion launch only to find it still wasn't deep enough or worse, not included at all. 'Shade inclusivity wasn't a pre-planned mission, it was a lived experience. Speaking up about it was a natural response to being consistently overlooked.' 'Shade inclusivity wasn't a pre-planned mission, it was a lived experience. Speaking up about it was a natural response to being consistently overlooked.' — Golloria George Makeup artist Danessa Myricks says that consumers really started voicing feedback in the wake of the 2020 Black Lives Matter movement. In a year where demonstrations in remembrance of George Floyd swept the nation alongside the rise of Black Lives Matter, many brands felt pressured to showcase their inclusivity efforts—via campaigns and social media posts, to the actual products they were launching. Many brands looked to Rihanna's Fenty Beauty, which launched in 2017 with a then-unheard-of 40 shades Pro Filt'r foundation and set a new standard with beauty consumers. 'I don't want women to [say], 'That's cute, but it only looks good on her,' ' Rihanna reportedly said at her cosmetics brand's global launch party that year. 'I wanted things I love that girls of all skin tones could [also] fall in love with.' At first, brands chose to react—but now they seem to have lost steam. 'I think there was a point where, you know, brands may have felt pressured, but it wasn't really authentic to the conversation that they were having as a brand,' Myricks tells me over Zoom, as the racial reckoning we had a few years ago simmered down, some brands went back to business as usual. 'What becomes clear is the true intention of a brand, and that's what I feel like we're seeing, and that's what I see people reacting to.' I often find it quite easy to suss out brands that are set on making products for anybody and everybody—and no, I don't mean the dreaded 'universal.' And as a Black woman whose job is to essentially review and consult on the product industry, I've had to employ a keen eye to discern what will and will not work for me—and the people I service through my writing and editing.

'We may be from two countries but are one family': Ethiopian peacekeepers hand over medical supplies in Bor
'We may be from two countries but are one family': Ethiopian peacekeepers hand over medical supplies in Bor

Zawya

time2 days ago

  • Health
  • Zawya

'We may be from two countries but are one family': Ethiopian peacekeepers hand over medical supplies in Bor

'It's increasingly difficult for us to provide essential medication to patients, whether in hospitals or smaller clinics,' reveals Dr. Bol Chaw. Dr. Chaw is the medical director at Bor State Hospital in Jonglei, South Sudan. His concerns are shared by many across this country, where people living in remote areas often go without basic healthcare. But Dr Chaw has helping hands in the form of Blue Helmets from Ethiopia serving with the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) who handed over a large shipment of vital supplies to the hospital – broad spectrum antibiotics, anti-malarials, painkillers, drugs to tackle chronic illnesses such as hypertension, and surgical materials. The handover couldn't have been timelier, given the onset of the rainy season in the country which often leads to an uptick in malaria cases among communities. 'Since we patrol consistently among communities, we are aware of the challenges they face, particularly with the ongoing economic crisis and consequent shortage of medical supplies. We felt that we must support them. We may be from two countries but are one family and families share,' explains Lieutenant-Colonel Desalegn Sahile Gulilat, commanding officer of the Ethiopian troops. To build further trust and goodwill, Ethiopian peacekeepers followed the medical outreach by providing some basic first aid training to medical staff. 'These partnerships with our international friends such as UNMISS make a real difference in saving lives,' says Dr. Chaw. Beyond this gesture, the Ethiopian contingent undertakes regular patrols and provides military escorts for aid convoys, ensuring lifesaving humanitarian assistance reaches the most vulnerable across the state. 'There are many ways in which we, as peacekeepers, protect civilians. We are on the ground to be of service,' added Lieutenant-Colonel Gulilat. Distributed by APO Group on behalf of United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS).

Government peacebuilders, youth and United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) sow seeds of peace amidst guns
Government peacebuilders, youth and United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) sow seeds of peace amidst guns

Zawya

time2 days ago

  • Politics
  • Zawya

Government peacebuilders, youth and United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) sow seeds of peace amidst guns

As morning breaks, the vast and open plains of South Sudan's Lakes state are filled with sounds of cattle and the overwhelming smell of smoke. It is at this relatively quiet time, that a team from the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) and state authorities from the Ministry of Peacebuilding set out on a drive. They aim to meet herders, armed youth, and residents in cattle camps that dot the landscape. Why? To hear their concerns and discuss the possibility of a future without violence. For generations, cattle have been a symbol of wealth and pride across Lakes. And, in recent years, they have also become a source of deadly conflict. Cattle theft, revenge raids, and competition over water have left a trail of grief in local communities with countless lives lost and properties destroyed. At one such cattle camp called Buol, 24-year-old herder Makur Magor Bok stands firm at the centre of a gathering. A seasoned cattle keeper despite his age, Makur carries a weapon, not out of malice, he says, but out of necessity. 'If I knew my cattle and my family were safe, I would give up my gun today,' he says, gesturing to the automatic rifle slung across his shoulder. 'We are not criminals, we are just afraid.' Makur told Civil Affairs officers from the UN Peacekeeping mission that thieves had stolen one of his rifles, along with phones and solar chargers. Though he knew who was responsible, he made a decision that surprised many in his community. 'I could have tracked them and fought with them, retrieved my belongings and avenged myself, but I remembered the peace messages I heard from UNMISS before. You said revenge only brings more killing,' he explained. 'So I reported them to the traditional authorities. I want to believe in the law, not in a gun and, hopefully, I won't be disappointed' His unprecedented choice—to trust the system instead of fuelling the cycle of violence—sparked a debate among his peers. Some responded with irony, while others said that they had seen enough of their people die over senseless quarrels. In another nearby cattle camp, Abuok Deng, a 17-year-old girl, shared her fears. 'We sleep in fear. On any given night, someone might raid us. I think to myself that maybe this is the night I lose my baby brother; maybe this is the night someone hurts me,' she exhales, with looking out into the distance. 'We need safety.' The team of government peacebuilders and UNMISS peacekeepers listened intently and responded with strong messages on conflict resolution, the power of dialogue, and the importance of community-led peace. 'This visit is not about disarming people,' stated Ruby Awude, a Civil Affairs Officer. 'It is about creating the kind of peace and safety in communities that makes carrying a gun unnecessary.' As twilight fell, the team left behind more than just words: they left seeds for lasting peace. Whether these take root depends not only on institutional change but also on the courage of individuals like Makur and Abuok. Their words reflect the hope that still flickers in Lakes state: that even in a place tormented by cycles of conflict, there are those who choose peace. Distributed by APO Group on behalf of United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS).

Firms led by US military veterans deliver aid in Africa and Gaza, alarming humanitarian groups
Firms led by US military veterans deliver aid in Africa and Gaza, alarming humanitarian groups

Arab News

time2 days ago

  • Business
  • Arab News

Firms led by US military veterans deliver aid in Africa and Gaza, alarming humanitarian groups

SOUTH SUDAN: Swooping low over the banks of a Nile River tributary, an aid flight run by retired American military officers released a stream of food-stuffed sacks over a town emptied by fighting in South Sudan, a country wracked by conflict. Last week's air drop was the latest in a controversial development: private contracting firms led by former US intelligence officers and military veterans delivering aid to some of the world's deadliest conflict zones, in operations organized with governments that are combatants in the conflicts. The moves are roiling the global aid community, which warns of a more militarized, politicized and profit-seeking trend that could allow governments or combatants to use life-saving aid to control hungry civilian populations and advance war aims. In South Sudan and Gaza, two for-profit US companies led by American national security veterans are delivering aid in operations backed by the South Sudanese and Israeli governments. The American contractors say they're putting their security, logistics and intelligence skills to work in relief operations. Fogbow, the US company that carried out last week's air drops over South Sudan, says it aims to be a 'humanitarian' force. 'We've worked for careers, collectively, in conflict zones. And we know how to essentially make very difficult situations work,' said Fogbow President Michael Mulroy, a retired CIA officer and former senior defense official in the first Trump administration, speaking on the airport tarmac in Juba, South Sudan's capital. But the UN and many leading non-profit groups say US contracting firms are stepping into aid distribution with little transparency or humanitarian experience, and, crucially, without commitment to humanitarian principles of neutrality and operational independence in war zones. 'What we've learned over the years of successes and failures is there's a difference between a logistics operation and a security operation, and a humanitarian operation,' said Scott Paul, a director at Oxfam America. ''Truck and chuck' doesn't help people,' Paul said. 'It puts people at risk.' 'We don't want to replace any entity' Fogbow took journalists up in a cargo plane to watch their team drop 16 tons of beans, corn and salt for South Sudan's Upper Nile state town of Nasir. Residents fled homes there after fighting erupted in March between the government and opposition groups. Mulroy acknowledged the controversy over Fogbow's aid drops, which he said were paid for by the South Sudanese government. But, he maintained: 'We don't want to replace any entity' in aid work. Shared roots in Gaza and US intelligence Fogbow was in the spotlight last year for its proposal to use barges to bring aid to Gaza, where Israeli restrictions were blocking overland deliveries. The United States focused instead on a US military effort to land aid via a temporary pier. Since then, Fogbow has carried out aid drops in Sudan and South Sudan, east African nations where wars have created some of the world's gravest humanitarian crises. Fogbow says ex-humanitarian officials are also involved, including former UN World Food Program head David Beasley, who is a senior adviser. Operating in Gaza, meanwhile, Safe Reach Solutions, led by a former CIA officer and other retired US security officers, has partnered with the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, a US-backed nonprofit that Israel says is the linchpin of a new aid system to wrest control from the UN, which Israel says has been infiltrated by Hamas, and other humanitarian groups. Starting in late May, the American-led operation in Gaza has distributed food at fixed sites in southern Gaza, in line with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's stated plan to use aid to concentrate the territory's more than 2 million people in the south, freeing Israel to fight Hamas elsewhere. Aid workers fear it's a step toward another of Netanyahu's public goals, removing Palestinians from Gaza in 'voluntary' migrations. Since then, several hundred Palestinians have been killed and hundreds more wounded in near daily shootings as they tried to reach aid sites, according to Gaza's Health Ministry. Witnesses say Israeli troops regularly fire heavy barrages toward the crowds in an attempt to control them. The Israeli military has denied firing on civilians. It says it fired warning shots in several instances, and fired directly at a few 'suspects' who ignored warnings and approached its forces. It's unclear who is funding the new operation in Gaza. No donor has come forward, and the US says it's not funding it. In response to criticism over its Gaza aid deliveries, Safe Reach Solutions said it has former aid workers on its team with 'decades of experience in the world's most complex environments' who bring 'expertise to the table, along with logisticians and other experts.' South Sudan's people ask: Who's getting our aid drops? Last week's air drop over South Sudan went without incident, despite fighting nearby. A white cross marked the drop zone. Only a few people could be seen. Fogbow contractors said there were more newly returned townspeople on previous drops. Fogbow acknowledges glitches in mastering aid drops, including one last year in Sudan's South Kordofan region that ended up with too-thinly-wrapped grain sacks split open on the ground. After gaining independence from Sudan in 2011, South Sudan has struggled to emerge from a civil war that killed nearly 400,000 people. Rights groups say its government is one of the world's most corrupt, and until now has invested little in quelling the dire humanitarian crisis. South Sudan said it engaged Fogbow for air drops partly because of the Trump administration's deep cuts in US Agency for International Development funding. Humanitarian Minister Albino Akol Atak said the drops will expand to help people in need throughout the country. But two South Sudanese groups question the government's motives. 'We don't want to see a humanitarian space being abused by military actors ... under the cover of a food drop,' said Edmund Yakani, head of the Community Empowerment for Progress Organization, a local civil society group. Asked about suspicions the aid drops were helping South Sudan's military aims, Fogbow's Mulroy said the group has worked with the UN World Food Program to make sure 'this aid is going to civilians.' 'If it wasn't going to civilians, we would hope that we would get that feedback, and we would cease and desist,' Mulroy said. In a statement, WFP country director Mary-Ellen McGroarty said: 'WFP is not involved in the planning, targeting or distribution of food air-dropped' by Fogbow on behalf of South Sudan's government, citing humanitarian principles. A 'business-driven model' Longtime humanitarian leaders and analysts are troubled by what they see as a teaming up of warring governments and for-profit contractors in aid distribution. When one side in a conflict decides where and how aid is handed out, and who gets it, 'it will always result in some communities getting preferential treatment,' said Jan Egeland, executive director of the Norwegian Refugee Council. Sometimes, that set-up will advance strategic aims, as with Netanyahu's plans to move Gaza's civilians south, Egeland said. The involvement of soldiers and security workers, he added, can make it too 'intimidating' for some in need to even try to get aid. Until now, Western donors always understood those risks, Egeland said. But pointing to the Trump administration's backing of the new aid system in Gaza, he asked: 'Why does the US ... want to support what they have resisted with every other war zone for two generations?' Mark Millar, who has advised the UN and Britain on humanitarian matters in South Sudan and elsewhere, said involving private military contractors risks undermining the distinction between humanitarian assistance and armed conflict. Private military contractors 'have even less sympathy for a humanitarian perspective that complicates their business-driven model,' he said. 'And once let loose, they seem to be even less accountable.'

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