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Time of India
11 hours ago
- Politics
- Time of India
Bihar elections: Congress ramps up reservation pitch ahead of PM Modi's visit; alleges NDA has ‘given up' on 65% quota push
File photo: Congress general secretary (communications) Jairam Ramesh (Picture credit: PTI) NEW DELHI: As Prime Minister Narendra Modi visits Bihar to launch key development projects ahead of assembly elections, the Congress on Friday sharpened its attack on the Nitish Kumar-led NDA government, alleging that it has 'all but given up' on the proposed 65 per cent reservation for SCs, STs, OBCs and EBCs. The policy, rooted in findings from the caste survey conducted under the erstwhile INDIA-bloc, is currently under judicial review. Congress general secretary (communications) Jairam Ramesh, in a post on X, proposed a three-pronged legislative approach to safeguard the reservation framework. 'The double-engine Govt in Bihar has all but given up,' Ramesh claimed. 'But there are three ways out that the INC has been demanding for long that will make the 65 per cent reservations a reality,' he added. Ramesh outlined the party's proposals. First, making the Bihar reservation law part of the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution, as was done in 1994 by the Narasimha Rao government to protect Tamil Nadu's 69 per cent quota. Second, he called for a constitutional amendment to bypass the Supreme Court-imposed 50 per cent ceiling on reservations. Third, he pushed for the implementation of Article 15(5), which allows for reservation in private educational institutions, a provision upheld by the apex court but left unimplemented for over a decade. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Confidence packed. Wrinkles left behind. Philips Garment Steamers Book Now Undo 'This has been unimplemented in the past 11 years after the Supreme Court upheld the Constitutional amendment introduced by Dr Manmohan Singh's government in 2006,' Ramesh pointed out. He further said the Congress would 'most definitely' raise these 'issues of fundamental importance to social justice and empowerment' during the upcoming Monsoon session of Parliament beginning July 21. The remarks come as PM Modi is in Siwan, Bihar, where he is set to inaugurate multiple infrastructure projects, including the new Vaishali–Deoria railway line worth over Rs 400 crore and a new train service. His visit also includes stops in Odisha and Andhra Pradesh, with a mass yoga event scheduled in Bhubaneswar to mark International Yoga Day. The Congress has increasingly tied its reservation pitch to the broader caste-based census framework, demanding immediate legislative action. The move signals the party's intent to double down on social justice narratives ahead of the state polls due in October. Congress leaders have also linked their call for implementing Article 15(5) to the broader agenda of extending affirmative action into the private sector for marginalised communities.
Indian Express
12-06-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Beed caste atrocity shows we are still far away from achieving caste equality
Written by Neeraj Bunkar On June 4, a chilling incident in Beed district, Maharashtra, again laid bare the persistent scourge of caste-based violence in India. Vaibhav Khandagale, a Dalit man, was brutally assaulted by a mob of 10–12 'upper caste' Maratha men, some of whom were his classmates and supposedly friends. The attack, driven by casteist hatred, was not just an assault on Vaibhav's body, but also an affront to the principles of equality enshrined in our Constitution. The SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, enacted on September 11, 1989, was designed to protect marginalised communities from caste-based discrimination and violence. It defines atrocities as 'offences' committed against Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) by non-SC/ST individuals, including acts like physical assault, humiliation, and the denial of rights. Section 3(1)(r) of the Act, cited in the FIR registered by Vaibhav in Beed, addresses intentional insults or intimidation meant to humiliate SC/ST members in public view, punishable with imprisonment from six months to five years and a fine. Section 3(1)(s) covers abuses using casteist slurs, while Section 3(2) (va) enhances penalties for offences under the Indian Penal Code (now Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), 2023). The FIR, registered under multiple sections of the BNS, 2023 (Section 119(1) for causing hurt, Section 333 for cheating, and Section 351(2) for criminal force), alongside SC/ST Act provisions, reflects the gravity of the incident. However, the response from local authorities raises serious concerns about the Act's enforcement. Vaibhav's brother, Dhananjay, according to reports, alleges that the police delayed registering the FIR, forcing the family to wait hours at the Shirur Kasar police station. Even after persistent pressure, the police initially resisted including critical BNS sections related to attempted murder. Shockingly, a counter-complaint was reportedly filed by the wife of the main accused, falsely alleging theft and threats by Vaibhav's family. This case mirrors broader trends documented by the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB). In 2022, India recorded 57,582 cases of atrocities against SCs, up from 50,291 in 2020. Maharashtra alone reported 2,743 cases in 2022, a steady rise from 2,569 in 2020. Uttar Pradesh topped the list with 15,368 cases, followed by Rajasthan (8,752) and Madhya Pradesh (7,733). In Maharashtra, however, the conviction rates for these crimes remain alarmingly low, undermining the Act's purpose. For SCs, the conviction rate was a mere 8.8 per cent in 2018, dipping to 7.2 per cent in 2019, rising slightly to 11.8 per cent in 2020, then falling again to 10.7 per cent in 2021 and 8.9 per cent in 2022. For STs, the rates were similarly dismal: 11.3 per cent in 2018, 11.9 per cent in 2019, 12.5 per cent in 2020, 11.8 per cent in 2021, and 12.8 per cent in 2022. By the end of 2022, 14,504 cases involving crimes against SCs and 4,149 against STs were still pending trial in Maharashtra, reflecting a backlog that delays justice for victims. The Act mandates robust mechanisms like Special Courts and Special Public Prosecutors to ensure speedy trials (Sections 14 and 15). It also prohibits anticipatory bail (Section 18) and mandates state governments to provide legal aid and rehabilitation (Section 21). Yet, Dhananjay's account of delayed police response, insensitive officers, and hospital negligence in initiating a medico-legal case highlights a gap between the law's intent and its execution. The Beed incident also exposes the social and political pressures that undermine justice. The Act's provisions for externment (Section 10) and forfeiture of property (Section 7) could deter such intimidation, but their application remains rare. The collective silence of 200 villagers during the assault further illustrates the social boycott faced by Dalit families. The SC/ST Act remains a vital shield for India's marginalised, but its effectiveness hinges on impartial enforcement and societal change. Without systemic reforms — stronger police accountability, proactive legal aid, and widespread awareness — the Act risks remaining a paper promise, leaving countless Vaibhavs vulnerable to the enduring shadow of caste. The writer is a research scholar at Nottingham Trent University, Nottingham, United Kingdom
Time of India
10-06-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Tribals protest municipal limits extension in Jamshedpur
1 2 3 Jamshedpur: The Scheduled Tribes (STs) community living on the periphery of the Jamshedpur Notified Area Committee (JNAC), Mango Notified Area Committee (MNAC), and Jugsalai Municipal Council (JMC) staged a demonstration at the DC office on Tuesday opposing the govt's proposal to extend the command limits of the three municipal bodies and include the panchayat areas. Representatives of different social and religious outfits, besides panchayat heads and traditional village heads, among others, said that the culture, customs, and rural lifestyle of the adivasis would be compromised with the inclusion of the panchayats in the municipal limits. "Several tribal families in the villages own 10 bighas of ancestral land on average. The holding tax of the municipality will cause a heavy financial burden on the modest earning families," said Mukhiya Sangh general secretary, Kanhu Murmu. Further, the agitating crowd claimed that the whole of Jamshedpur comes under the Fifth Scheduled Area of the Constitution, and in the past, a large part of the land was acquired by the govt for the purpose of setting up industries and developing a planned city without taking into confidence the heads of gram panchayats of that time. "Whatever land we are having in the panchayats will not be parted with the govt for the extension of the municipality," said Majhi Baba Sangh president Ramesh Murmu. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Free P2,000 GCash eGift UnionBank Credit Card Apply Now Undo Notably, the JNAC and JMC completed the satellite survey of the six panchayats earlier in April this year, while MNAC is yet to finish it. Presently, the process of determining the extended boundaries of the municipal areas of Jamshedpur and Jugsalai is ongoing ahead of submitting the report to the urban development department. "The purpose is to provide better municipal facilities to the people living in the areas identified for inclusion in the municipality," said a senior JNAC official, requesting anonymity in the wake of the increasing protest against the proposal. The agencies have identified Moharda, Harlung, and Ghorabandha panchayats for JNAC and Bagbera and Kitadih for the JMC, respectively.
The Hindu
07-06-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
Chhattisgarh tribal leader Arvind Netam bats for delisting STs who have converted their religion
Veteran tribal leader and former Union Minister Arvind Netam has thrown his weight behind the demand from certain quarters that those who convert their religion be delisted from the Scheduled Tribes (STs). Speaking to journalists in Raipur on Saturday , the long-time former Congressman, who has now retired from active politics, said his stance on the issue had 'changed' as it helped in 'checking religious conversions'. Mr. Netam had called a press conference in the State capital two days after attending the concluding ceremony of the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh's (RSS) 25-day training camp in Nagpur, the 'Karyakarta Vikas Varg - Dwitiya', as its chief guest. 'Their policy on delisting… initially, I was opposed to it but later I felt this was one of the ways to stop religious conversions so we accepted that we agree with you (the RSS). So there are many issues that I placed in front of them,' Mr. Netam said on the sidelines of the press conference. Delisting refers to the demand to remove indigenous people converted to Christianity and Islam from the list of STs. One of the earliest proponents of the idea in independent India was the late Kartik Oraon, a former Congress MP, who had made an unsuccessful attempt in 1968 to de-schedule Christian tribals by introducing a Bill in Parliament. In recent years, there have been voices in support of it in both the Sarguja region of Chhattisgarh, and the southern tribal heartland of Bastar, by various groups under the Sangh Parivar. The issue goes hand in hand with opposition to religious conversions, and is getting mainstreamed. Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai, in a video interview in May, had referred to Oraon's attempts, and had said that delisting could prevent conversions. His fellow Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader and former Chief Minister Champai Soren from Jharkhand had in April said that Adivasis who converted to other religions should be delisted. When The Hindu asked why he had changed his stance on the issue, and why he had been opposed to it earlier, Mr. Netam said that he had had concerns that the number of seats reserved for tribals (29 in the 90-member House) might come down. 'I was worried about the reservations, that the seats might decrease due to delisting. But after studying, I found that in Chhattisgarh, only one or two seats will be reduced,' he said. Beyond reservation The clamour in support of delisting has been mostly around reservations in jobs, education, and promotions that the Constitution of India guarantees for STs. Legal experts and activists, however, fear that it could have far-reaching consequences beyond mere reservation benefits because delisting can extend to other areas, including land protection, atrocities and oppression. Furthermore, the impact of an eventual delisting — which is largely theoretical at this point — would be felt beyond Chhattisgarh. Answering a question on its possible consequences for Christian-majority communities in the northeast, Mr. Netam said that it would make little impact in those areas as an overwhelming majority of the population there was tribal, unlike other areas, including Chhattisgarh, which have a mixed population.
The Hindu
06-06-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
Justice Janarthanam's moments of glory
Justice M.S. Janarthanam had, at least, experienced a few moments of glory in the last 20-odd years. After the Supreme Court, in July 2010, provided one year to Tamil Nadu to come out with justification along with quantifiable data for the continuance of the 69% reservation for Backward Classes (BC), Most Backward Classes (MBC) and Scheduled Castes (SCs)/Scheduled Tribes (STs), Justice Janarthanam, as the head of the State BC Commission, had authored a report in support of the quota scheme, as provided in the Tamil Nadu Act 45 of 1994. Exactly a year later, the then AIADMK regime, at a Cabinet meeting, adopted the findings of the report and decided that 'there cannot at all be any doubt regards the fixity of reservation of 50 per cent to Backward Classes, 18 per cent to Scheduled Castes and one per cent to Scheduled Tribes.' On the matter of 'creamy layer' among the BC and MBCs, his take was that though the 1994 law had been in existence for well over 17 years, the Lakshman Rekha line had not been crossed, warranting the application of 'creamy layer' exclusion.' This opinion was also accepted by the government. It continues to be in force. Nearly 20 years ago, when the demand was made for creating special reservation for Arunthathiyars within quota of reservation for SCs, the government had turned to Justice Janarthanam to consider it. In November 2008, he, as the head of a committee, submitted a report to the then DMK government that the representation of the Arunthathiyars in Groups A, B and C services under the State 'has been found grotesquely inadequate.' Consequently, a three percent quota came into force. for the Aruthathiyars. This has withstood the test of judicial scrutiny, says G. Santhanam, who served as Secretary of the BC, MBC and Minorities Welfare Department about 15 years ago. In 2012, he gave an opinion to the government for providing a 10.5% quota to Vanniyars within the 20%.. Though this was acted upon by the previous AIADMK regime nine years later, the Supreme Court, in April 2022, quashed the move.
