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Boston Globe
12 hours ago
- Politics
- Boston Globe
Brick thrown at Brookline kosher grocery store highlights antisemitism's rise
This act was, simply, antisemitic in the way it blamed a Jewish individual in America for the actions of the Jewish state in Israel. Advertisement As a state that values every resident, we must emphasize clearly that antisemitism is wrong and antisemitic actions can't be tolerated. We must work to change a culture where slogans that can be perceived as violent threats against the Jewish people — like 'globalize the intifada,' a reference to the often violent uprisings by Palestinians in Israel — are considered acceptable discourse. Get The Gavel A weekly SCOTUS explainer newsletter by columnist Kimberly Atkins Stohr. Enter Email Sign Up While the brick was thrown when the store was closed, any attack on a Jewish individual can spark fear across the entire Jewish community. That is especially true after two lethal attacks recently. In Washington, D.C., two Israeli embassy staffers Advertisement Earlier this month, an Egyptian man was charged with Attacks against Jews are nothing new in the Boston area. In 2021, a man was The The Massachusetts Legislature formed the Commission cochair state Senator John Velis (D-Westfield) says one challenge is the tendency to see antisemitism as someone else's problem. 'People on the left see it on the right, people on the right see it on the left,' Velis said. 'Antisemitism today shape-shifts, it mutates, it's ubiquitous. It's moved away from being only on the right or left, it's everywhere.' Advertisement Jeremy Burton, CEO of the Jewish Community Relations Council of Greater Boston, attributed antisemitism's rise to a culture that lets progressive groups conflate criticism of Israel with language that demonizes Jews. 'The use of Zionists as a slur has been normalized,' Burton said. 'There is this willingness to absolve and minimize a rhetoric which tolerates, if not promotes, violence against Jews anywhere, as if no harm might come from that.' There are real debates about the distinctions between anti-Zionism — opposing Israel's right to exist as a Jewish state — and antisemitism. Activists have every right to criticize Israel, its government, and its military. A robust debate about Israel's prolonged and deadly military campaign against Hamas in Gaza is warranted. But the Butcherie is not a political institution; it's a store that sells food to Jews who adhere to religious dietary laws. The brick was thrown through a window displaying a winery map of Israel that depicted the disputed West Bank as part of Israel. But holding a Jewish-owned store responsible for actions of the Israeli government has no justification. It would strike most people as obviously bigoted — and ridiculous — to protest for a 'free Tibet' by throwing a brick through the window of a Chinese grocery store, even if it displayed a map that included Tibet. Yet too many Americans can't bring themselves to understand that it's just as wrong to inflict violence on Jews or Jewish institutions to protest Israel. Advertisement Brandeis University Professor of American Jewish History Jonathan Sarna said historically, domestic antisemitism rises when tensions rise between Israel and its Arab neighbors. Sarna said what struck him was the premeditation involved in writing a message on the brick, which implies not sudden anger but a statement of power. 'This incident, in addition to trying to make Jews fearful … is also about an expression of power, a reminder to Jews that we, whoever the people are who threw the rock, are stronger or at least are able to inflict lots of fear upon you,' Sarna said. That's a message our society cannot accept. Editorials represent the views of the Boston Globe Editorial Board. Follow us


Boston Globe
13 hours ago
- Entertainment
- Boston Globe
Our weird reality is killing reality TV
Now, you might be asking yourself, who cares? And I get that. But I think the reason reality TV is dying is interesting. It reveals something deeper about how our society might be unconsciously metabolizing the seismic political shifts in the last year. Get The Gavel A weekly SCOTUS explainer newsletter by columnist Kimberly Atkins Stohr. Enter Email Sign Up Reality TV originally thrived because it offered an escape from everyday life. We indulged in epic rollercoaster romances, shameless debauchery, petty entanglements, and the guilty pleasure of rooting for 'shade-throwing' self-obsessed villains who seemed hellbent on taking someone down each season. For roughly 43 blissfully chaotic minutes, we entered a world where the worst of human behavior could be enjoyed safely, from a distance, and, most important, turned off at will. In the end, it perversely left us feeling better, even relieved, about the predictable ordinariness of our own lives. Advertisement But our current political reality — starring its own egotistical villains running amok and creating havoc — has become so chaotic and theatrical that reality TV now feels dull by comparison. Sigmund Freud, in 'Civilization and Its Discontents,' argued that our primal instincts, driven by sex (pleasure/procreation) and aggression (power/survival), are in conflict with the external demands of civilization — the social order that keeps us functioning as a collective society. In short: Our rawest individualistic urges are always brushing up against the demands of civilized living. To manage this conflict, we rely on outlets like art, literature, film, and television — forms that allow us to sublimate (to unconsciously and symbolically indulge) our primitive urges without destabilizing society or our own psychological well-being. Reality TV — because it features 'real people' in dramatized settings — gives us permission to flirt with our more primitive impulses: envy, competition, cruelty. It lets us vicariously indulge in dysfunction and chaos from the safety of our couches, without breaking social rules or causing lasting harm. And then Donald Trump, a former reality TV personality himself, made every day a real-life spectacle. Trump entered both terms of his presidency by shattering the protective barrier of the screen and displaying all the hallmarks of reality TV's genre's most notorious villains: narcissism, manipulation, performative cruelty, engineered tribalism, and unchecked grievance. What was once safely held in the collective unconscious and expressed through art now plays out in the real world — unfiltered, uncontained, and unrelenting. The primal chaos we once safely indulged in during 43 minutes of petty drama and escapism now spills into our news feeds, our laws, and our wallets. There's no off switch. The conflicts on 'The Real Housewives' and the scheming on 'Survivor' now feel like the ones between Bugs Bunny and Elmer Fudd: cartoonish, low-stakes, and recycled. They're dull compared with our real 'reality.' Advertisement In lieu of reality TV, I've turned to British mystery series, like 'Midsomer Murders,' where the world may be grim, but order is restored and justice usually prevails. With each episode, the bad guys are caught and the community heals. It's the kind of resolution I no longer trust reality TV, or our real lives, to deliver.


USA Today
a day ago
- Politics
- USA Today
Potential 2028 Dems quiet after Supreme Court upholds ban on care for some transgender minors
Potential 2028 Dems quiet after Supreme Court upholds ban on care for some transgender minors Show Caption Hide Caption Activists react to SCOTUS ruling gender-affirming care ban for minors Transgender activists are reacting to a new SCOTUS ruling upholding Tennessee's ban on gender-affirming care for minors. The Supreme Court's conservative-leaning justices this week upheld a Tennessee ban on some gender-affirming care for youths, prompting immediate criticism from their liberal-leaning colleagues. Justice Sonia Sotomayor wrote in her dissent that 'the court abandons transgender children and their families to political whims.' But one group on the left has been quiet since the ruling sent shockwaves: Democratic leaders across the country eyed as potential 2028 White House picks. The lack of response to the 6-3 ruling underscores what some political observers have called the party's continued nervousness over how to address an issue that became pivotal in the 2024 election. It also shows how fraught the topic may remain heading into the 2026 midterms that will decide control of Congress. President Donald Trump campaigned heavily on a promise to ban gender-affirming care for youth and prevent transgender athletes from competing – and he's taken several executive actions impacting transgender Americans since the start of his second term. Here's what to know about how prominent Democrats responded to the Supreme Court's ruling. What happened? The decision, in which the court said preventing minors from using puberty blockers and hormone therapy does not violate the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment, was immediately criticized by liberal and progressive groups, like Human Rights Campaign, an LGBTQ+ advocacy group. The court's ruling comes after Trump and Republicans made transgender rights a key part of the final weeks of the 2024 campaign. "Kamala supports tax-payer funded sex changes for prisoners," one of Trump's campaign ads alleged about then-Vice President Kamala Harris. "Kamala is for they/them. President Trump is for you." Some Democrats called the ads among the most effective of the campaign, according to multiple reports last year. And in recent months some Democrats have worked to separate their party from elements of transgender rights efforts. For example, California Gov. Gavin Newsom made headlines in March when he suggested transgender athletes' participation in women's sports was 'deeply unfair' and acknowledged the campaign ad was "devastating." Since taking office in January, Trump has signed executive orders to ban transgender athletes from girls' and women's sports, end federal support for gender-affirming care and prevent transgender people from serving openly in the military. Trump also signed on his first day back in office an order declaring that the government recognizes only two sexes, male and female. Governors quiet Newsom of California, Gov. Josh Shapiro of Pennsylvania, and Gov. Wes Moore of Maryland, the three governors considered leading contenders to run for president in 2028, all kept quiet after the Supreme Court's decision this week. Most forthcoming of the party's potential 2028 contenders was Gov. JB Pritzker of Illinois, who has a transgender cousin, and who wrote on X, formerly known as Twitter, that Illinois has protections to "meet this very moment.' 'In a time of increasing overreach and hateful rhetoric, it's more important than ever to reaffirm our commitment to the rights and dignity of the LGBTQ+ community,' he added. 'You have a home here always.' Rank and file Reaction among Democrats on Capitol Hill was largely quiet as well, though several members of Congress did make statements. Senate Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer of New York denounced the decision on the Senate floor as part of a 'cruel crusade against trans Americans.' On social media he called it a distraction from issues impacting all people, regardless of gender identity. His counterpart in the House, Rep. Hakeem Jeffries of New York did not mention it in a news release or on social media. Sen. Ed Markey, D-Massachusetts, pointed out in a statement that 24 other states have similar laws blocking some gender-affirming care for transgender youths. "Today, hate won," he said, alleging the Supreme Court's conservative-leaning justices "endorsed hate and discrimination by delivering a win for Republicans who have relentlessly and cruelly attacked transgender Americans for years." 'Once again, politicians and judges are inserting themselves in exam rooms,' Rep. Sarah McBride, D-Delaware, the nation's first openly transgender member of Congress, said Wednesday on X, formerly called Twitter. 'This ruling undermines doctors in delivering care to some of the most vulnerable patients in our country.'


The Hill
a day ago
- Politics
- The Hill
Rising: June 19, 2025
Tucker Carlson demolishes Ted Cruz on Iran, Israel; why MSM loves war! Robby Soave | RISING Robby Soave delivers a blistering take against Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) over the botched interview with Tucker Carlson. Obama warns America 'dangerously close' to slipping into autocracy | RISING Robby Soave and Niall Stanage react to new commentary from former President Obama warning about the future of American Democracy. Trump approves Iran attack plans, but hasn't made final decision, WSJ reports | RISING Robby Soave and Niall Stanage give latest update on the Israel-Iran war. SCOTUS upholds Tennessee ban on youth gender-affirming care; JD Vance applauds ruling | RISING Robby Soave and Niall Stanage weigh in on the Supreme Court's decision to uphold Tennessee's ban on gender-affirming care. Elissa Slotkin rages at Pete Hegseth, says predecessor had more 'guts and balls' | RISING Robby Soave and Niall Stanage react to Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth getting grilled by Democratic senators in the Senate Armed Services Committee. Elon Musk blasts his Grok chatbot for its response on right-wing violence | RISING Robby Soave and Niall Stanage discuss Elon Musk lashing out at his own AI chatbot Grok after it stated that right-wing violence has become 'more frequent and deadly' than left-wing attacks. Piers Morgan Debate Goes Off The Rails Over Tulsi Gabbard Testimony, Iran War | RISING Robby Soave and Niall Stanage discuss an off-the-rails interview that Piers Morgan did in which he and British George Galloway argued over DNI Tulsi Gabbard recent comments in a congressional hearing about global threats against America. RFK Jr: Starbucks will 'further MAHA its menu'; Heinz, Kraft removing artificial dyes | RISING Robby Soave and Niall Stanage discuss how Starbucks is planning to implement HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.'s, 'MAHA.'


Boston Globe
2 days ago
- Boston Globe
The unwitting poster child of the Vietnam War has forsaken bitterness for grace
Get The Gavel A weekly SCOTUS explainer newsletter by columnist Kimberly Atkins Stohr. Enter Email Sign Up Her name is Phan Thị Kim Phúc. Advertisement When I recently found myself in the Toronto area, where Kim Phúc has lived for more than 30 years, I reached out to her. We first spoke by phone for two hours. Having been used as a propaganda figure by the Vietnamese government for years after the war, she sought asylum in Canada in 1992. In that call, she spoke with clarity about June 8, 1972, when the South Vietnamese Air Force — and not, as was and is still wrongly believed, the US Air Force — dropped napalm on her village. Advertisement Kim Phúc was 9 years old. She remembers the blast and seeing the fire and watching civilians and Vietnamese soldiers burn to death. 'I lost my future. I lost my freedom. I lost my dream. I lost my hope,' she says of that day. Even now, after years of treatment, she is still in pain. Kim Phúc did not see who took the Pulitzer Prize-winning photo of her, but she believes Nick Út captured the Pulitzer Prize-winning photo of her, despite She has identified the South Vietnamese squadron that dropped the napalm on her village, and she has spoken with living witnesses. Surviving veterans have given her a detailed timeline of the events that precipitated the bombing, for which they were ordered to clear sections of Tây Ninh province, notorious for housing Communist guerrilla fighters. They told her of their lasting shame over hitting civilians and fellow South Vietnamese soldiers as they fled a Cao Đài temple where Kim Phúc and others had been seeking refuge. But after all this time, one mystery remains. For 53 years, members of the unit have refused to reveal the name of the pilot who dropped the bomb. 'Why do you need his name?' they would say, reminding Kim Phúc that knowing it 'won't change anything.' They assured her: He feels guilty. He's in America. He became a vegetarian to atone for his sins. Advertisement While Kim Phúc respects the pilot's privacy, her greatest wish is to find him or his descendants. 'I do want to know who the pilot is — not because I'm angry,' she told me. 'I want to tell him: I survived. I forgave a long time ago. I don't hate you. I would give him a hug. He changed my life without knowing it.' She seeks neither justice nor publicity. Just a private meeting. Kim Phúc says she longs for one final opportunity for closure and, perhaps, to offer peace to someone — be it the pilot or a family member of his — who might still carry guilt. How and when did she find such equanimity? I needed to know. The morning after we spoke by phone, I joined Kim Phúc for her weekly Sunday service at Faithway Baptist Church in Ajax, an Ontario town about 45 minutes outside Toronto. Despite having been raised in the Cao Đài faith, which combines Buddhism, Daoism, and Confucianism, among other spiritual beliefs and practices, Kim Phúc says she finally found the solace she craved when she discovered a copy of the New Testament in Saigon's central library. Against her family's wishes, she converted to Christianity. (Years later, her parents followed her.) So there I was in mid-May, sitting in the pews beside the now 62-year-old Kim Phúc and her 91-year-old mother, Nữ, who put on headphones as her son-in-law, Kim Phúc's husband, Toàn, translated the pastor's English sermon into Vietnamese. That morning's message touched on the themes of forgiveness and restoration. Advertisement 'War makes everyone a victim,' Kim Phúc told me many times. 'Even the ones we think are strong.' Her life embodies this truth. After resettling in Canada, she channeled her suffering into purpose as a UNESCO Goodwill Ambassador and through Kim Foundation International, the nonprofit she founded in 1997 to support international projects that offer medical, living, and educational assistance to young victims of trauma. 'When I see children in war today, I feel their pain like it's mine,' she told me. 'I want to use my voice to help protect them — because I remember what it's like to be them.' When we discuss our home village — a place I've only visited and Kim Phúc's family was forced to leave as the Vietnam War raged — our connection grows. My father has told me that my uncle, Tân Thúc Hưng, a first lieutenant in the local defense forces, ate regularly at Kim Phúc's family's food stall. Over lunch after service, I asked her mother if she remembered him. 'Ông Hưng? Of course,' she said. 'He was practically family. I remember the last time I saw him. He died the next day.' That was in 1971. The details surrounding his death have never been clear to my family. We know it happened at a cantina or pool hall on the town's main street, where his duty in psychological operations was to win the hearts and minds of the people. As the story goes, the Viet Cong sent a child into the venue with a grenade disguised as something else. The explosion maimed or killed everyone present. I immediately wanted to call my dad to tell him: 'Someone else in this world remembers your beloved brother. She might have fed him his last meal.' Advertisement Meeting with Kim Phúc and her parents drove home to me the impossible choices of war: those of the South Vietnamese pilot following orders to stop Viet Cong atrocities; those of my uncle trying to protect his community; Kim Phúc's family's decision to feed even those who might kill them. Everyone was trying to survive forces beyond their control. Such fragmented memories, passed down through the generations, teach us that history lives in people — in food stalls, shared meals, and the quiet act of remembering someone loved and lost. The hard reality is that 50 years after the end of the Vietnam War, children still flee bombs across the world. We scroll past images of their suffering, numbed by the endless stream. Kim Phúc's story cuts through that numbness because she lived to tell what comes after the photograph: the choice between bitterness and grace. Now a mother and grandmother who still bears the scars of the napalm attack, she has refused to let trauma define her. While the world remembers her as the ultimate poster child of war, it's her will to forgive rather than seek vengeance that I will remember her for. She is so much more than the girl who ran from napalm and became the unwitting subject of a famous photo. Phan Thị Kim Phúc survived terror and chose inner peace.