Latest news with #Rohingya
eNCA
11 hours ago
- Politics
- eNCA
Myanmar's Aung San Suu Kyi marks 80th birthday in junta jail
NAYPYIDAW - Myanmar's deposed democratic leader Aung San Suu Kyi marked her 80th birthday in junta detention on Thursday, serving a raft of sentences set to last the rest of her life. Suu Kyi was the figurehead of Myanmar's decade-long democratic thaw, becoming de facto leader as it opened up from military rule. But as the generals snatched back power in a 2021 coup, she was locked up on charges ranging from corruption to breaching Covid-19 pandemic restrictions and is serving a 27-year sentence. "It will be hard to be celebrating at the moment," said her 47-year-old son Kim Aris from the UK. "We've learned to endure when it's been going on so long." He has run 80 kilometres over the eight days leading up to her birthday, and collected over 80,000 well-wishing video messages for his mother. But Suu Kyi will not see them, sequestered in Myanmar's sprawling capital Naypyidaw from where the military directs a civil war against guerilla fighters, many of whom took up arms in response to the toppling of her government. Aris said he has heard from his mother only once via letter two years ago since she was imprisoned. "We have no idea what condition she's in," he said, adding that he fears she is suffering from untreated medical problems with her heart, bones and gums. Myanmar junta spokesman Zaw Min Tun told AFP late on Thursday Suu Kyi "is in good health", without providing any further details. No formal celebrations took place in junta-held parts of Myanmar, but a gaggle of followers in military-controlled Mandalay city staged a spontaneous protest ahead of her birthday, local media said. A few masked protestors showered a street with pamphlets reading "freedom from fear" and "happy birthday" as one member held up a portrait of Suu Kyi in shaky camera footage shared on social media. While Suu Kyi remains hugely popular in the majority Buddhist country, her status as a democracy icon abroad collapsed before the military takeover after she defended the generals in their crackdown against the Rohingya. Hundreds of thousands of the Muslim minority were sent fleeing to neighbouring Bangladesh under her rule, though some argued she was powerless against the lingering influence of Myanmar's military. Nonetheless, institutions and figures that once showered Suu Kyi with awards rapidly distanced themselves, and her second round of imprisonment has received far less international attention.
Times of Oman
12 hours ago
- Politics
- Times of Oman
Bangladesh NSA in Washington to brief US about progress on holding elections
Dhaka : Bangladesh's National Security Adviser (NSA) Khalilur Rahman on Wednesday met with US Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau at the State Department in Washington, DC, Bangladesh Chief Adviser's Press Wing said in a statement on Thursday. "They discussed the Rohingya issue, ongoing tariff negotiations between Bangladesh and the US, developments in South Asia, and the democratic transition in Bangladesh", the statement said. "Deputy Secretary of State lauded the leadership of Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus at a critical juncture for Bangladesh and reiterated continued US support for Bangladesh", it added. "Dr. Rahman separately met Assistant US Trade Representative Brendan Lynch and had fruitful discussions on the agreement between the two countries on reciprocal tariffs", the statement said. Former Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was ousted from power in a student-led uprising in August last year. Hasina fled to India, and an interim government led by Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus was formed. On June 14, Muhammad Yunus, the Chief Adviser of Bangladesh's interim government, hinted at holding national elections in early February next year. However, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Turk expressed concern over the ban on political parties in Bangladesh and stressed that the decision "unduly restricts the freedom of association, expression and assembly". He urged the Bangladesh's interim government to hold free and inclusive elections. Bangladesh's interim government earlier banned the activities of ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's Awami League and its affiliated organisations. Subsequently, in May, the Bangladesh Election Commission (EC) suspended the registration of Sheikh Hasina's Awami League as a political party. Muhammad Yunus, the Chief Adviser of Bangladesh's interim government, has hinted at holding national elections in early February next year." The Chief Adviser said that he has announced that the elections will be held by the first half of February next year. If all preparations are completed, the elections could be held even in the week before the start of Ramadan in 2026," said a joint statement issued after the talks between Muhammad Yunus and Acting BNP Chairman Tarique Rahman in London.
Indian Express
12 hours ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
Illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, Myanmar and Pakistan should be deported: Tripura minister Animesh Debbarma
Tripura Forest Minister Animesh Debbarma said Thursday that the state should detect and deport illegal immigrants from Bangladesh and Pakistan, and Rohingya persons, amidst the Centre's directive to take action against them across the country. 'If you want to save Tripura, for those who truly love Tripura, make sure you tie all the illegal immigrants entering the state from Myanmar or Pakistan and beat them all the way till the Akhaura (ICP) or the Sabroom (ICP) gate before pushing them to the other side. Don't just let them go. They should be deported by flogging their backs livid red,' said the senior leader of the ruling ally TIPRA Motha party. In an oblique reference to non-tribals who fled to Tripura before 1971 amid Pakistani atrocities, the minister said they should not forget that they migrated to the state in tattered condition, barely escaping torture across the border. Stating that if more influx continues, everyone in Tripura would face a crisis and wouldn't have enough space to live in, the minister said, 'Why is there a job crisis? Why is there a price hike in the state? Why are land prices skyrocketing in Agartala?' Claiming TIPRA Motha is the only political party that holds movements, Debbarma said he would continue fighting for the people of Tripura. 'I am a minister today. I may not remain a minister tomorrow. But the dofa (community) should remain. Tripura should remain as well. I shall fight for the people and not for being a minister,' he said. He also urged Tripura Chief Minister Dr Manik Saha to review the role of Tripura Police's Mobile Task Force, which usually oversees checking or bordering areas to prevent illegal immigrants. On June 14, a delegation of the TIPRA Motha party led by Debbarma submitted a memorandum to Tripura Governor Indrasena Reddy Nallu, addressed to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, seeking his supervision and control over the process of detection, deportation, and deletion of illegal migrants who entered the state after March 24, 1971. The party also demanded to set up a Special Central Task Force to supervise strictly for the detection and deportation of the illegal migrants.
Indian Express
17 hours ago
- Indian Express
Arrested for murder of parents in Bengal: ‘Rohingya sympathiser', he saw parents as ‘not religious enough'
A man allegedly growing disenchanted with his family's perceived lack of religiosity, a recluse who immersed himself in religious literature and a 'Rohingya sympathiser' who was allegedly making plans to escape to Myanmar. That's the picture that the police are painting of Humayun Kabir, a 35-year-old unemployed civil engineer who was arrested last month on charges of allegedly killing his parents in Memari in Purba Bardhaman. On May 28, Kabir, a graduate of Jadavpur University, allegedly killed his parents Haji Mustafizur Rahman, 65, and his wife Mumtaz Begum, 56, in Memari town's Kashiara More area. Then he fled to the Bongaon town – some 107 km away — where he allegedly used a machete to attack staff members of an orphanage. He was arrested on May 29 and is currently in judicial custody at Presidency jail. Kabir, whose father owned a thriving gift shop in Memari and whose family held significant agricultural land, completed his civil engineering degree at Jadavpur University in 2012 and worked in Mumbai, Delhi, and Noida. According to investigators, it was his divorce about six years ago that triggered a shift in his personality, making him increasingly reserved and cut off from the world. Somewhere along the line, he also lost his job. 'Earlier this year, he vanished for several months. His father eventually traced him to Himachal Pradesh and brought him back to Memari,' one investigator said. The change in him began manifesting in other forms too: over the next few months, Kabir allegedly immersed himself in religious texts, with investigators claiming that he had begun to browse 'jihadi literature'. His laptop, mobile, and personal effects are currently under intense scrutiny. It was during this time that he had begun to express dissatisfaction with what he perceived as a lack of religiosity in his parents. 'He wanted his parents to see Jannat [heaven],' another officer said. Soon, he allegedly began to plot their killings. On May 28, he executed his plan — first allegedly slitting his father Mustafizul's wrists and then, when his mother woke up to his screams, killing her too. Kabir allegedly travelled to Ranaghat and a train to Bongaon – a place, according to investigators, located six kilometres from the Indo-Bangladesh border. Here, however, his plan went awry, with his attack on four others at a local orphanage leading to his arrest.
Arab News
a day ago
- Politics
- Arab News
Arakan Army may be an unexpected ally for the Rohingya
In a striking twist of geopolitical irony, one of the most persecuted Muslim communities in the world — the Rohingya — may find their most realistic path home not through the government of Myanmar or through international institutions, but via an unlikely actor: the Arakan Army. Long viewed with suspicion by the Rohingya themselves and largely ignored by the international community, the Arakan Army has, over the past two years, emerged as the dominant power in Rakhine State. With the Myanmar military regime in rapid retreat and the national unity government struggling to assert territorial control, the Arakan Army now governs 11 of Rakhine's 18 townships. For all intents and purposes, it is the authority that now decides who may live — and return — to western Myanmar. This new reality should not be underestimated. For years, the global response to the Rohingya crisis has hinged on repatriation through negotiations with Myanmar's military or by placing pressure on the Association of Southeast Nations and the UN. Those efforts have categorically failed. Two rounds of repatriation since 2017 — one under the UN and another led by China — resulted in zero returns. The refugees in Bangladesh are disillusioned, aid is running dry and extremism is beginning to fester in the camps. As Prime Minister Mohammed Yunus of Bangladesh warned last week at Chatham House, without urgent action 'an explosion is imminent.' It is precisely this urgency that demands a recalibrated approach. The Arakan Army is not an ideal partner. It has, at times, rejected the term 'Rohingya' and its historical relationship with Muslim communities in Rakhine has been tense. But power transforms actors and the Arakan Army's recent statements — including those by its Commander-in-Chief Twan Mrat Naing — show a remarkable evolution in tone. Power transforms actors and the Arakan Army's recent statements show a remarkable evolution in tone Dr. Azeem Ibrahim The group has indicated it is open to the idea of peaceful coexistence, rule of law and even a phased return of refugees — provided certain conditions are met. In other words, it has moved from being a militant liberation movement to a proto-state willing to talk about governance. This shift opens a narrow but real window for engagement — and the Muslim world must not let it close. Arab and Islamic nations, particularly those in the Gulf and within the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, have long expressed solidarity with the Rohingya. But solidarity without strategy is not enough. Now is the time to develop a policy grounded in the new facts on the ground. That means initiating quiet backchannel dialogues with the Arakan Army leadership, exploring what kinds of political, financial or development incentives could nudge them further toward embracing repatriation. Bangladesh cannot do this alone. Dhaka faces tremendous domestic pressure over hosting nearly a million refugees. Its interim prime minister, Yunus, is one of the few regional leaders willing to speak candidly about the crisis and the risk of radicalization if the camps remain neglected. But without regional and Muslim-majority support, Bangladesh lacks the leverage or resources to independently broker a deal with the Arakan Army. Instead of pursuing unrealistic negotiations with the Myanmar junta or waiting for an elusive political settlement from the national unity government, the OIC should work with the Bangladeshi government and trusted international mediators to build a pragmatic roadmap for phased repatriation. Such a plan might include security guarantees from the Arakan Army for returning families; pilot return programs to test integration, with third-party observers; development support for local Rakhine and Muslim communities alike, reducing the risk of economic grievance or communal tension; and legal pathways for the Rohingya to eventually gain recognition and rights under local law. Many Rohingya remain skeptical of the group's intentions. The memory of past abuses and betrayals is still raw Dr. Azeem Ibrahim To be sure, this will require trust-building on all sides. Many Rohingya remain skeptical of the Arakan Army's intentions. The memory of past abuses and betrayals is still raw. But when faced with a choice between permanent exile in squalid refugee camps and a monitored, supported return under new political realities, many may opt to go home — if they believe it is safe. Here, the Muslim world can play a critical role. Countries like Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Turkiye and Qatar — all of which have championed Muslim causes globally — can lend both political weight and practical resources to this effort. Their involvement can also reassure the Rohingya that they are not alone and that their fate is not being decided by a new group of armed men, but by a process anchored in international norms and Islamic principles of justice. This will not be an easy path. The Arakan Army still has much to prove. Its rhetoric must be backed by real commitments, including the cessation of discriminatory practices and the inclusion of Rohingya voices in political planning. The national unity government, too, must be encouraged to work constructively with the Arakan Army on this front, rather than cling to abstract ideals divorced from operational control. Ultimately, the Rohingya crisis is a tragedy not just for Myanmar but for the Muslim world. It has exposed our collective inability to protect the vulnerable, to assert moral leadership and to respond with coherence and unity. But if we are willing to think beyond conventional diplomacy and engage with the de facto powers in Rakhine, we may yet chart a way forward. The Arakan Army may not be the ally we expected. But it might be the ally we need — if we are bold enough to engage.
