Latest news with #PopularMobilizationForces
Shafaq News
17 hours ago
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Iraqis rally behind Iran after Al-Sistani's warning
Shafaq News/ Hundreds of Iraqis in Babil and Kirkuk rallied Saturday in support of Tehran, responding to a statement by Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani condemning Israeli strikes and warning of regional chaos if Iran's leadership is targeted. Speaking with Shafaq News, protesters in Babil strongly condemned Israel's continued attacks on Iran, affirming the unity of the Islamic position in 'confronting injustice and arrogance.' In Kirkuk, dozens of religious clerics gathered. One of the participants, Abbas Hussein, told Shafaq News, 'These demonstrations are a rejection of the Israeli strikes on Iran, and we stand with our neighbor in this war,' confirming that solidarity among Islamic nations is 'the strongest weapon in the face of aggression.' Earlier Saturday, supporters of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) staged a demonstration in Baghdad's al-Kadhimiya district to declare their backing for Iran. The event followed nationwide rallies on Friday organized by the Patriotic Shiite Movement (the Sadrist) in response to a call from its leader, Muqtada al-Sadr, to protest Israel's military campaign. Tensions have sharply escalated since June 13, when Israel and Iran entered open confrontation marked by daily missile and drone strikes. Despite growing international calls for de-escalation, both sides continue to trade fire across multiple fronts.
Shafaq News
20 hours ago
- Politics
- Shafaq News
For Iran: PMF supporters protest in Iraq's al-Kadhimiya
Shafaq News/ On Saturday, hundreds of Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) supporters rallied in Baghdad's al-Kadhimiya district, declaring support for Iran. Protesters waved banners and shouted slogans backing Tehran while condemning Israeli airstrikes as 'aggression against the Islamic Republic,' according to Shafaq News Agency's correspondent. The demonstration followed widespread rallies across multiple Iraqi cities on Friday, organized by the Sadrist-led Patriotic Shiite Movement (the Sadrist) in response to a call from its leader, Muqtada al-Sadr, urging protests against Israel's military campaign targeting Iranian sites. Tensions have sharply escalated since June 13, when Iran and Israel entered open confrontation through daily missile and drone strikes. Despite growing international calls for restraint, both sides continue to trade attacks across multiple theaters.
Asia Times
a day ago
- Politics
- Asia Times
Who are Iran's true allies and will they help if US joins the war?
As Israel continues its attacks on Iran, US President Donald Trump and other global leaders are hardening their stance against the Islamic Republic. While considering a US attack on Iran's nuclear sites, Trump has threatened Iran's supreme leader, claiming to know his location and calling him 'an easy target.' He has demanded 'unconditional surrender' from Iran. Meanwhile, countries such as Germany, Canada, the UK and Australia have toughened their rhetoric, demanding Iran fully abandon its nuclear program. So, as the pressure mounts on Iran, has it been left to fight alone? Or does it have allies that could come to its aid? Has Iran's 'axis of resistance' fully collapsed? Iran has long relied on a network of allied paramilitary groups across the Middle East as part of its deterrence strategy. This approach has largely shielded it from direct military strikes by the US or Israel, despite constant threats and pressure. This so-called 'axis of resistance' includes groups such as Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) in Iraq, the Houthi militants in Yemen, as well as Hamas in Gaza, which has long been under Iran's influence to varying degrees. Iran also supported Bashar al-Assad's regime in Syria before it was toppled last year. Members of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) carry images of comrades killed in US airstrikes in western Iraq in 2024. Photo: Ahmed Jalil / EPA via The Conversation These groups have served both as a regional buffer and as a means for Iran to project power without direct engagement. However, over the past two years, Israel has dealt significant blows to the network. Hezbollah — once Iran's most powerful non-state ally — has been effectively neutralised after months of attacks by Israel. Its weapons stocks were systematically targeted and destroyed across Lebanon. And the group suffered a major psychological and strategic loss with the assassination of its most influential leader, Hassan Nasrallah. In Syria, Iranian-backed militias have been largely expelled following the fall of Assad's regime, stripping Iran of another key foothold in the region. That said, Iran maintains strong influence in Iraq and Yemen. The PMF in Iraq, with an estimated 200,000 fighters, remains formidable. The Houthis have similarly-sized contingent of fighters in Yemen. Should the situation escalate into an existential threat to Iran — as the region's only Shiite-led state — religious solidarity could drive these groups to become actively involved. This would rapidly expand the war across the region. The PMF, for instance, could launch attacks on the 2,500 US troops stationed in Iraq. Indeed, the head of Kata'ib Hezbollah, one of the PMF's more hardline factions, promised to do so: If America dares to intervene in the war, we will directly target its interests and military bases spread across the region without hesitation. Iran itself could also target US bases in the Persian Gulf countries with ballistic missiles, as well as close the Strait of Hormuz, through which about 20% of the world's oil supply flows. Houthi supporters hold anti-US and Israel placards and wave the flags of the Iran-backed 'axis of resistance' during a protest in Yemen's capital. Photo: Yahya Arhab / EPA via The Conversation Will Iran's regional and global allies step in? Several regional powers maintain close ties with Iran. The most notable among them is Pakistan — the only Islamic country with a nuclear arsenal. For weeks, Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has tried to align Iran more closely with Pakistan in countering Israel's actions in Gaza. In a sign of Pakistan's importance in the Israel-Iran war, Trump has met with the country's army chief in Washington as he weighs a possible strike on its neighbour. Pakistan's leaders have also made their allegiances very clear. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has offered Iran's president 'unwavering solidarity' in the 'face of Israel's unprovoked aggression.' And Pakistani Defence Minister Khawaja Asif recently said in an interview Israel will 'think many times before taking on Pakistan.' These statements signal a firm stance without explicitly committing to intervention. Yet, Pakistan has also been working to de-escalate tensions. It has urged other Muslim-majority nations and its strategic partner, China, to intervene diplomatically before the violence spirals into a broader regional war. In recent years, Iran has also made diplomatic overtures to former regional rivals, such as Saudi Arabia and Egypt, in order to improve relations. These shifts have helped rally broader regional support for Iran. Nearly two dozen Muslim-majority countries — including some that maintain diplomatic relations with Israel — have jointly condemned Israel's actions and urged de-escalation. It's unlikely, though, that regional powers such as Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates and Turkey would support Iran materially, given their strong alliances with the US. Iran's key global allies, Russia and China, have also condemned Israel's strikes. They have previously shielded Tehran from punitive resolutions at the UN Security Council. However, neither power appears willing — at least for now — to escalate the confrontation by providing direct military support to Iran or engaging in a standoff with Israel and the US. Theoretically, this could change if the conflict widens and Washington openly pursues a regime change strategy in Tehran. Both nations have major geopolitical and security interests in Iran's stability. This is due to Iran's long-standing 'Look East' policy and the impact its instability could have on the region and the global economy. However, at the current stage, many analysts believe both are unlikely to get involved directly. Moscow stayed on the sidelines when Assad's regime collapsed in Syria, one of Russia's closest allies in the region. Not only is it focused on its war in Ukraine, Russia also wouldn't want to endanger improving ties with the Trump administration. China has offered Iran strong rhetorical support, but history suggests it has little interest in getting directly involved in Middle Eastern conflicts. Ali Mamouri is research fellow, Middle East Studies, Deakin University This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Daily Mirror
3 days ago
- Politics
- Daily Mirror
Terror group issues 'legitimate target' warning to US nationals and allies
An Iraqi terror group says that all US nationals in the Middle East will be "legitimate targets" if Donald Trump was to assassinate Iran's Supreme Leader. In recent days both Israel and Donald Trump have hinted there could be plans to assassinate the country's religious patriarch Ayatollah Ali Khamenei - who is revered and respected across the Shiite world. In response, Akram al-Kaabi - who rules the powerful Iraqi Shiite militia Karakat Hezbollah al-Nujaba (HaN - has said any threat to Khamenei's life would see the lives of the American people and their allies becoming "legitimate targets" anywhere in the region. In March 2019, the group was designated a terror group by the US and hit it with sanctions prohibiting business with the militia or its leader. The 10,000-strong fighting force is active in both Iraq and Syria and is part of the wider 200,000-man Popular Mobilization Forces, an Iranian proxy. The sanctions came over Nujaba's targeting of US forces in the two countries. They have also been accused of human rights violations. Some consider the group as the most aggressive of the Iran-backed militias in Iraq, and has positioned itself as the armed resistance to US presence in the country. According to the Washington Institute, the militia is responsible for the majority of the attacks on US bases in Syria and Iraqi Kurdistan.
Al Arabiya
4 days ago
- Politics
- Al Arabiya
Unprecedented Iran-Israel war leaves regime in most fragile state since 1979
The direct war between Iran and Israel has now reached an intensity and level of escalation never seen in the history of the Islamic Republic. What was once limited to proxy warfare, cyber-attacks, and covert assassinations has now evolved into a full-scale aerial war between two regional powers – one that threatens not only the stability of the Iranian government but also the broader balance of power in the Middle East. The ferocity, precision, and sustained nature of Israeli strikes mark a dramatic departure from past confrontations, and the Iranian government now finds itself in the most precarious and dangerous position since the 1979 revolution – arguably even more fragile than during the Iran-Iraq War of the 1980s. The reason this moment is more dangerous than the eight-year war with Iraq is simple but critical: This is not a ground war. It is an aerial war, and Iran's military doctrine and strategic strength have always rested on the assumption that the next war would be fought on land or through proxy groups. Iran has invested heavily in its ground forces and in regional militias such as Hezbollah, the Popular Mobilization Forces in Iraq, and the Houthis in Yemen. However, the current confrontation with Israel has bypassed these tools of asymmetric warfare. The battle is being waged from the skies – via drones, advanced fighter jets, and precision missile strikes – and in this arena, Israel holds overwhelming superiority. For years, Israeli military planners have prepared for this type of confrontation. Israel has invested in the most advanced American aircraft, including the F-35 stealth fighter jet, and has developed its own highly capable drone and missile programs. Moreover, its intelligence capabilities – driven by agencies such as Mossad and Unit 8200 – have allowed it to identify and eliminate high-value Iranian targets with extraordinary accuracy. In contrast, Iran's air defenses and air force are outdated and stretched thin across a vast and vulnerable geography. This disparity has created an overwhelming asymmetry in favor of Israel. The stakes for the Iranian government could not be higher. As the war continues, the Islamic Republic's ability to retaliate effectively diminishes by the day. While Iran has launched a series of ballistic missiles into Israel and neighboring regions, most have targeted symbolic or civilian infrastructure, with relatively limited military or strategic impact. Israeli officials have confirmed casualties and damage, but by and large, the missile barrages have failed to significantly alter the course of the war. In contrast, Israel has systematically dismantled key components of Iran's military and nuclear infrastructure in just a matter of days. One of Iran's main sources of military power – its ballistic missile arsenal – is rapidly being depleted. Prior to the war, Iran was believed to possess around 3,000 ballistic missiles of various ranges and capabilities. However, Israeli strikes have reportedly destroyed large quantities of these missiles, along with many of the underground bunkers and launch pads used to store and fire them. Several international intelligence sources now estimate that Iran may have already lost hundreds of its most advanced missiles, and if the current rate of attrition continues, it is only a matter of time before the government's stockpile is reduced to critical levels. This depletion is not just a military issue – it is existential. Iran's missile arsenal has long been seen as a deterrent against foreign invasion and a symbol of national strength. Without it, the Iranian government loses both strategic leverage and internal confidence. Compounding the problem is the fact that Iran lacks the capacity to replenish its arsenal quickly, especially under the pressure of ongoing airstrikes, international sanctions, and a weakening economy. The longer the conflict drags on, the more Iran's military capabilities will wither, and the harder it will become to project power or defend the homeland. Meanwhile, Israel is conducting daily operations against high-value military and nuclear targets across Iran. These are not symbolic strikes; they are aimed at the very core of the government's power. Key facilities in Isfahan, Natanz, Fordow, and Parchin have reportedly been hit. Senior commanders of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), including high-ranking officers from its Aerospace and Quds Forces, have been killed in targeted bombings. Even nuclear scientists, long guarded by layers of security, have not been spared. The destruction of these assets has not only crippled Iran's nuclear program but has also sent a chilling message to the leadership in Tehran: no part of the government is safe. This raises a profound question: How long can the Islamic Republic survive this kind of sustained military pressure? Unlike during the Iran-Iraq War, when the population largely rallied behind the government against a foreign aggressor, today's Iranian society is far more fragmented, disillusioned, and volatile. The memory of the 2022 and 2023 nationwide protests – sparked by the death of Mahsa Amini and fueled by demands for freedom and justice – still lingers. The government suppressed those uprisings with brute force, but the underlying grievances have only deepened. Widespread economic hardship, political repression, and a general loss of faith in the system have created a powder keg within the country. A prolonged war could be the spark that reignites mass demonstrations, defections from the security forces, or even a full-blown uprising. Indeed, it would not be surprising if the government, recognizing this internal vulnerability, begins to seek a ceasefire or de-escalation. Iranian officials may attempt to open backchannel communications through regional mediators or international organizations. But the critical question is whether Israel, now holding the upper hand militarily and diplomatically, will agree to pause its operations. From the Israeli perspective, this may be a once-in-a-generation opportunity to fundamentally degrade Iran's military capacity and prevent it from ever becoming a nuclear-armed state. If Jerusalem believes it can achieve that objective now, with limited long-term risk, it may choose to continue its campaign rather than agree to a ceasefire that would allow Iran to regroup. The next few days are therefore critical. If Iran cannot stem the bleeding – militarily, economically, and politically – it may find itself facing a collapse not seen since the fall of the Shah. The Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, is now 86 years old. Questions about succession, factional infighting, and the loyalty of the IRGC will only grow louder as the situation deteriorates. At the same time, Israel will weigh the cost of continued conflict against the opportunity to reshape the regional balance in its favor for years to come. In conclusion, the Islamic Republic of Iran is facing its worst and most dangerous moment since 1979. Unlike previous crises, this one is not rooted in political isolation, economic sanctions, or internal protests alone – it is a direct military conflict that is rapidly eroding the government's foundations. Its ground forces are irrelevant in an air war. Its missile arsenal is dwindling. Its nuclear ambitions are under attack. And its people are watching closely, waiting for either collapse or capitulation. As this unprecedented war unfolds, the fate of Iran's government may well be decided not in months or years – but in days.
